Pn14.It may seem far away and not all that relevant to Fiji, but in this TED talk former Finance Minister of Nigeria Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala spells out the six things that Africa's doing right, the eight things it's doing wrong (because in the West's perception, most things in Africa are wrong), and what needs to be done about them. Many rights and wrongs are very relevant to Fiji -- and for the West for that matter. Click, or copy and paste, on the link and listen to this courageous, inspiring woman.
http://us1.campaign-archive1.com/?u=07487d1456302a286cf9c4ccc&id=89a7087ff9&e=5c34254e24
BLOG AIMS, ITS PUBLISHER AND USE
■ Cogito, ergo sum. I think, therefore I am. (René Descartes, mathematician and philosopher,1599-1650)
Friday, 12 August 2016
Wednesday, 20 July 2016
About Time: Equal VKB Registration
We want equal rights for VKB registration – Soqosoqo Vakamarama
By Vijay Narayan. Pn6.
Wednesday 20/07/2016

President of the Soqosoqo Vakamarama, Adi Finau Tabakaucoro

Pn13. President of the Soqosoqo Vakamarama, Adi Finau Tabakaucoro says that they would like to see equal rights for i-Taukei men and women when it comes to registering children in the Vola Ni Kawa Bula.
When questioned by Fijivillage on the concerns raised by some parents on this issue, Adi Finau says it is about time that this regulation is reviewed and changes are made.
00:00/00:00
An urgent call has been made to the authorities to relook at the process of registering children in the VKB.
Concerns have been raised on why children who have an i-Taukei mother and non i-Taukei father cannot be registered in the VKB.
These children can only be registered if the father’s name is not on the birth certificate.
Some of the parents have said that this is not equal rights as i-Taukei women cannot get their children registered in the VKB if they marry a non i-Taukei however i-Taukei men can get their children registered if they marry a non i-Taukei woman.
Permanent Secretary for iTaukei Affairs, Naipote Katonitabua says the current regulation only allows i-Taukei children to be registered under their legitimate father or mother if their father is i-Taukei.
Katonitabua says the father’s name has to appear in the birth certificate.
In cases where the father’s name is unknown, then the children should be entered in their mother’s Tokatoka, Mataqali and Yavusa.
He says that the “Instructions for Entries in the Register of Native Landowners” as stipulated in the iTaukei Lands Act Cap 133 and the order by the Governor in 1926 clearly states that registration in the VKB automatically qualifies an i-Taukei to be a native landowner under the Tokatoka, Mataqali and Yavusa under which he or she is registered.
When questioned on whether any changes are planned in the future, Katonitabua said that a draft on the VKB regulation is currently with the Solicitor General’s Office for a review.
Meanwhile we have received confirmation that i-Taukei parents cannot register their adopted i-Taukei children in the VKB.
Some of the parents from Naitasiri have raised concern about this, saying that they have adopted children and they want them to be registered in the VKB.
They have told us that they do not see them as adopted children as they have grown up with their family and do not regard anyone else as their parents.
Sunday, 8 May 2016
Chiefs: Some Notes for Your Input
Pn12.
Last weekend I published Fr Barr's article on poverty and announced a new focus for the blog in which each weekend I'd provide thoughts on a major issue. Prompted by the parliamentary petition on the Great Council of Chiefs, I selected chiefs as the issue for this weekend. But on Thursday, after months with no proper rain, we had a deluge with flood water a metre deep in the Porirua CBD and the roof of my recently constructed patio leaking buckets. I've spend the last two days redesigning the roof and the job is still not finished. Old bones get a little unsteady at the top of ladders.
I'd started to take notes on the promised article and re-read chunks of Ratu Jone Madraiwiwi's A Personal Perspective, but the finished article is a long way away. Here's some of my notes to date. Perhaps you'd like to help by adding comments that I can use in the article.
Who are the actors? The Great Council of Chiefs, the Paramount chiefs, other chiefs, the Taukei, non-Taukei, parliament (government and opposition) Government in the wider sense. and legal Taukei parallel and complementary administrative structures such as the Land Trust Board and Provincial Councils, and perhaps also the military.
What are the issues? Tradition and identity in the modern world, the need and capacity for change, ethnicity particularism and 'privilege', the need to build national unity, threats to national unity, government claims to represent all so no need for GCC, lack of consultation (by government and by the chiefs), is democratic participation possible in a Taukei context? And most of all POWER, its use and possible use by the main actors, and what this might mean for almost everything else.
Fiji's post-colonial past was dominated by a Taukei hierarchy comprising the GCC, some other chiefs, an urban elite, Methodist Church leaders, and in a fall back position, the military. Hence the 1987 and 2000 coups when the predominantly Indo-Fijian Fiji Labour Party briefly became government. What was the role of the GCC in the 1987, 2000 and 2006 Coups?
The 2006 coup/military takeover meant different things for its main protagonists. Early idealism was generally replaced by pragmatism. Holding power and the nation together was achieved by limiting the media, free speech and the labour unions, and supporting business. The support of rural grassroots Taukei (generally the less educated and worldly Taukei who supported the chief and church) was won by promoting infrastructure development and women's initiatives aimed at increasing household incomes. Military support was achieved by removing possible dissident officers. The outcome, with respect to the former Taukei hierarchy, was that the Bainimarama Government progressively weakened and silenced the chiefly hierarchy and the Church.
Ro Teimumu and SODELPA want to see the reinstatement of the GCC for probably mixed reasons. Government sees a resurgent GCC as a potential threat to its control of power.
Are compromises possible? For example, a GCC dealing only with traditional issues (land, inheritance, ceremony, succession) but no political input? Provincial Councils with non-Taukei representation?
For almost all of the players and factors one needs to start with clear definitions. For example, who decides who is Taukei and who is not; how paramount are the paramount chiefs in the West and how important are they when one of the three positions has been vacant for many years? Is it favouritism if Taukei get special First Nation treatment, and extra help to bridge the business ownership, employment and education gaps, or will this enhance national unity in the longer term?
As you can see, my thoughts are still unorganized. Your input would be most welcome.
Last weekend I published Fr Barr's article on poverty and announced a new focus for the blog in which each weekend I'd provide thoughts on a major issue. Prompted by the parliamentary petition on the Great Council of Chiefs, I selected chiefs as the issue for this weekend. But on Thursday, after months with no proper rain, we had a deluge with flood water a metre deep in the Porirua CBD and the roof of my recently constructed patio leaking buckets. I've spend the last two days redesigning the roof and the job is still not finished. Old bones get a little unsteady at the top of ladders.
I'd started to take notes on the promised article and re-read chunks of Ratu Jone Madraiwiwi's A Personal Perspective, but the finished article is a long way away. Here's some of my notes to date. Perhaps you'd like to help by adding comments that I can use in the article.
Who are the actors? The Great Council of Chiefs, the Paramount chiefs, other chiefs, the Taukei, non-Taukei, parliament (government and opposition) Government in the wider sense. and legal Taukei parallel and complementary administrative structures such as the Land Trust Board and Provincial Councils, and perhaps also the military.
What are the issues? Tradition and identity in the modern world, the need and capacity for change, ethnicity particularism and 'privilege', the need to build national unity, threats to national unity, government claims to represent all so no need for GCC, lack of consultation (by government and by the chiefs), is democratic participation possible in a Taukei context? And most of all POWER, its use and possible use by the main actors, and what this might mean for almost everything else.
Fiji's post-colonial past was dominated by a Taukei hierarchy comprising the GCC, some other chiefs, an urban elite, Methodist Church leaders, and in a fall back position, the military. Hence the 1987 and 2000 coups when the predominantly Indo-Fijian Fiji Labour Party briefly became government. What was the role of the GCC in the 1987, 2000 and 2006 Coups?
The 2006 coup/military takeover meant different things for its main protagonists. Early idealism was generally replaced by pragmatism. Holding power and the nation together was achieved by limiting the media, free speech and the labour unions, and supporting business. The support of rural grassroots Taukei (generally the less educated and worldly Taukei who supported the chief and church) was won by promoting infrastructure development and women's initiatives aimed at increasing household incomes. Military support was achieved by removing possible dissident officers. The outcome, with respect to the former Taukei hierarchy, was that the Bainimarama Government progressively weakened and silenced the chiefly hierarchy and the Church.
Ro Teimumu and SODELPA want to see the reinstatement of the GCC for probably mixed reasons. Government sees a resurgent GCC as a potential threat to its control of power.
Are compromises possible? For example, a GCC dealing only with traditional issues (land, inheritance, ceremony, succession) but no political input? Provincial Councils with non-Taukei representation?
For almost all of the players and factors one needs to start with clear definitions. For example, who decides who is Taukei and who is not; how paramount are the paramount chiefs in the West and how important are they when one of the three positions has been vacant for many years? Is it favouritism if Taukei get special First Nation treatment, and extra help to bridge the business ownership, employment and education gaps, or will this enhance national unity in the longer term?
As you can see, my thoughts are still unorganized. Your input would be most welcome.
Friday, 29 April 2016
Lies, Damned Lies and Statistics?
Pn11. Note from Croz: I've had a tumultuous three months which included moving house. During this time the blog has been much neglected. My re-think on the future of the blog is that I will publish once a week, usually between Friday and Monday, with articles, comments and analyses focusing on major issues in the hope that this focus on aspects of the "bigger picture" will inform and promote thoughtful robust responses from readers.
Starting today....
with Fr Barr's article which questions official statistics showing a decline in poverty.
My guess is that Fiji, along with other liberal-driven economies, will also have experienced a widening gap between rich and poor, which adds to the societal costs of poverty.
What do you think of:
Fr Kevin Barr
Starting today....
with Fr Barr's article which questions official statistics showing a decline in poverty.
My guess is that Fiji, along with other liberal-driven economies, will also have experienced a widening gap between rich and poor, which adds to the societal costs of poverty.
What do you think of:
- The official statistics and Fr Barr's argument?
- Government actions and policy? Have they helped or worsened the situation? What can it do differently?
- What are the policies of the parliamentary opposition on poverty, wages and related issues?
Has Poverty in Fiji Really Declined?
Fr Kevin Barr
It was interesting
to read in The Fiji Times (April 22nd)
the announcement of Kelera Nokelevu from the Bureau of Statistics that the
incidence of poverty in Fiji has decreased enormously – from 35% in the 2003-4
Housing Income and Expenditure Survey (HIES) to 31% in the 2008-9 HIES to 28.1%
in the 2013-14 HIES.
This would be
wonderful if it were true but, as I pointed out in a previous article, because
the World Bank analysed the data from the 2013-14 HIES, we need to serious
question the credibility of the results.
They will find what they want to find because they and the IMF have been
persuading our government to follow their neo-liberal, free market economic
policies which have recently been criticised for creating greater poverty and
inequality all around the world.
The credibility of
the recent results would need to be seriously questioned in view of the
following facts. If poverty stood at 31% in the 2008-9 HIES then it surely must
have worsened because:
· The devaluation of the Fiji dollar by
20% in April 2009 meant (according to the Bureau of Statistics) that the
Consumer Price Index for food increased by 38% and for building materials by
29%;
· In January 2011 VAT was increased by 2.5%
and, as everyone knows, VAT is a regressive tax;
· Electricity increased by 30% and water
costs also increased;
· Wages during this period did not increase
significantly so the high increase in the cost of living had serious
repercussions for the 60% of those in full-time employment whose wages were
already below the poverty line;
· There have also been other indicators which
are related to an increase in poverty:
-
Dramatic
increase in domestic violence;
-
Increase
in crime rates especially involving robbery;
-
Dramatic
increase in the numbers of people in squatter settlements because decent
affordable housing was not available;
-
Increase
in child labour.
For many years the IMF, the World Bank and the World
Trade Organisation (WTO) have been pushing the policies of Neo-Liberal Free-Market
Capitalism which underpins globalisation and have caused increasing poverty and
inequality around the world. Pascal Lamy (former Director of the WTO) said
recently: “Our world is sick and the cause of the sickness is the neo-liberal
policies we have been following.”
Christine Lagarde (Director of the IMF) confessed at Davos last year
that IMF policies have probably increased inequality around the world.
Over the years Fiji (like many other countries)
has been following (advised/or forced to follow) the policy directives of the
World Bank, the IMF, and the ADB despite the fact that these policies have
created greater poverty and inequality in other countries (as so many scholars
and economists have pointed out). The
findings of the Melzer Commission of the US Congress (2000) are still worth
repeating:
“ Neither the World Bank nor the regional
banks are pursuing the
set of activities that could best help the
world move rapidly toward
a world without poverty or even the lesser,
but more fully
achievable goal of raising living standards
and the quality of life,
particularly in the poorest nations of the
world.”
Also Oxfam based Duncan Green (2008: 296ff) states:
“For
much of the last 25 years the IMF and the World Bank have
been
pursuing nothing less than a radical overhaul of the way that
developing
countries run their economies. That role
has been
controversial
and, in many eyes, profoundly destructive ..... “
The credibility of
the analysis of our Housing Income and Expenditure data by the World Bank must
be seriously questioned. As I remarked some time ago, it is like the United States bringing in the Mafia to analyse
the crime statistics in the US . They will find what they want to find.
The separation of
poverty statistics for urban and rural areas can be useful but what is missing
is any recognition of the depth of poverty in these regions. Usually poverty is deeper in urban areas than
in rural areas.
Also what about
all those (35%?) who are living just above the poverty line and the extent of
inequality?
As Mr Lal remarked
at the recent Dialogue Fiji Conference, even if we accept that 28.1% of Fiji ’s
population are living in poverty, this is still a matter of grave concern and
quite unacceptable in view of the much taunted levels of increased economic
growth. The economy of a country must
benefit all its people – not just the few.
Not only do we
need an independent analysis of data from the Bureau of Statistics, we need
something of that “economic revolution” which Bernie Sanders is promoting in
the US
which is attracting the attention of so many people – especially the youth.
This “revolution” aims to “pull down the mighty from their thrones and lift up
the lowly” (to use biblical terminology) so that we have a more just, compassionate
and inclusive society.
Saturday, 27 February 2016
Fiji Appeals to UN for Cyclone Relief
Pn10. The Fiji Mission to the UN in New York this morning presented Fiji's case to all UN member states. To watch the video, click on : http://webtv.un.org/watch/ocha-briefing-on-the-humanitarian-situation-in-fiji-caused-by-cyclone-winston/4775980639001
Sunday, 21 February 2016
Worst Cyclone on Record in Southern Hemisphere Lashes Fiji
My fellow Fijians,
Yesterday,
Tropical Cyclone Winston – the most devastating storm on record in the
Southern Hemisphere -- reached our shores. The damage
has been widespread. Homes have been destroyed, many low-lying areas
have flooded and many people have been left stunned and confused about
what to do.
In
the aftermath of this great tragedy, many are without power and full
access to water, and are cut off from communication. My Government
is working overtime to repair the damage that has been caused and
restore these essential services to our people. In the task of recovery
and rebuilding, our public utilities, Government agencies and the
private sector are working to re-establish our communications,
and bring back access to power and water throughout our islands.
Particular emphasis will be placed on re-connecting our Eastern Division
to our national grid so we can urgently assess and address the damage
in our maritime regions.
We
are also working hard to keep the Fijian people as updated as possible
on the restoration process. In some cases, the electric power
has been intentionally cut off in order to prevent more severe damage.
When we are able, we will provide timelines for the return of water and
power so that people can plan in the short-term for how best to care for
themselves.
While this work is being completed, the curfew will remain in effect until 5:30 am today
(tomorrow). The curfew
has been imposed to protect lives and property, and it is vital that
everyone respect the curfew—for your safety and the safety of your loved
ones. Please disregard any reports that the curfew has been lifted. The
Department of Information is the only authorized
and reliable source of information for updates on the curfew.
It
is also vital that everyone remain in their homes while Government
carries out the important work of repairing and restoring our
critical infrastructure. There is still a great deal of debris on our
roads and in our communities: Power lines have gone down all over the
country, and roofing iron, glass, live electrical wires and other
hazardous materials pose serious threats to public
safety.
We
are working hard to make your streets and communities secure once
again, but that will take time, so I ask you for your patience
during this time of crisis – especially for those of you in rural and
maritime regions.
Fijians
who have lost their homes and property have been sheltered in
evacuation sites while Government explores how to best care for
you over the long term. As was recently announced, schools will be
closed for the next week, so many of these buildings can continue to be
used as safe havens.
Our
roads have, for the most part, not suffered severe damage, and many
have already been cleared. However, there is still much work
to be done clearing substantial debris from the rest of our roadways,
and the Fiji Roads Authority is working with other agencies and
volunteers to get all of our roads operational.
Our
armed forces and Fiji Police force have also been engaged to assist
with rehabilitation, rescue operations and clean-up. They will
work alongside other agencies to make sure this work is completed
efficiently so that Fijians can return to their normal lives as soon as
possible.
In
the meantime, I urge every Fijian to stay mindful of your surroundings
and stay indoors. There is no telling whether this cyclone
is gone for good – so we need to act accordingly. That is why it is
important that you adhere to instructions from Government and avoid
dangerous situations.
This
is a time of sorrow, but it will also be a time of action. We will
stand united in the face of this disaster. Please, if see your
neighbor struggling, help if you are able. If you see a dangerous
situation, report it. And keep your fellow Fijians in your prayers as
we, together, overcome this tragedy.
I
know that for those of you who have lost your homes, your livelihoods
or are cut-off from essential services, it is hard to imagine
a brighter future. But that future will come. We will reclaim what we
have lost. I call once again for every Fijian to remain committed to
work together during our recovery efforts, follow instructions from
Government carefully, and do what you can to keep
yourselves out of harm’s way.
Vinaka vakalevu. Thank you.
Thursday, 4 February 2016
Unwise and Unnecessary Suspension of the NFP
Pn8.. I agree with law professor Bill Hodge. The suspension of the NFP is "a major punishment for a minor infringement." The Registrar of Political Parties Mohammed Saneem also seems to have exceeded his authority and this inevitably reflects badly on Government. One hopes the Solicitor-General will act swiftly and wisely to resolve an issue that could so easily have been avoided. -- Croz Pn8
Fate of MPs
Nasik Swami
Thursday, February 04, 2016
Thursday, February 04, 2016
SPEAKER Dr Jiko Luveni has sought the advice of the Solicitor General's Office on whether the three parliamentarians of the suspended National Federation Party can attend the Parliament session next Monday.
"We are waiting for a legal opinion and we will wait to see what the legal people will have to say," Dr Luveni said.
She said Parliament sought advice as the decision to suspend the NFP was made outside of Parliament.
"This is why we are seeking legal opinion because the ruling was made outside of Parliament. If it was made inside of Parliament, I would have had a basis of that ruling."
Dr Luveni said she would make her decision after receiving the legal advice.
She said the NFP's suspension would not affect the parliamentary proceeding next Monday.
"We will continue as normal as far as we are concerned from within Parliament.
"It affects only three members, but the quorum for Parliament is one third, which is 17. Even though if there are only 18 people attending a sitting, there is still a quorum. The sitting will go ahead."
Dr Luveni said as usual, the NFP was invited to attend the Business Committee meeting on Friday.
Registrar of Political Parties Mohammed Saneem said since the party's suspension on Monday, his office had not received any feedback from them.
Former speaker of Parliament Pita Nacuva said the situation was confusing since he had never come across such a scenario in Parliament.
According to the Political Parties Registration, Conduct, Funding and Disclosures Decree 2013, Section 27 (5) where a political party commits an offence under the decree, the registrar has the power to issue a warning and require the political party to conform to the decree within a specified period or suspend the registration of the political party not exceeding 12 months.
"Notwithstanding subsection 5, a person who is a member of a political party that has been suspended and is a member of Parliament, shall continue as a member of Parliament for the unexpired term," the decree states.
A New Zealand law expert, who is the author of Criminal Procedure in New Zealand and Auckland University law professor, Bill Hodge, told Radio Australia that the party's suspension did not mean that its three elected MPs cease to be members of Parliament.
Mr Hodge said the suspension was a major punishment for a minor infringement.
The NFP was suspended for 30 days on Monday by Mr Saneem for contravening the Political Parties Registration, Conduct, Funding and Disclosures Decree 2013.
He said the party accounts were not audited by an accountant certified by the Fiji Institute of Accountants (FIA) as required by the decree.
Accounting firm, APNR Partners that audited the suspended party's books, refused to comment when questioned about its registration.
The firm said they had referred the matter to their lawyers.
Thursday, 31 December 2015
PM's New Year Message
Pn7. Bula Vinaka and a very Happy New Year to you all.
As we end the past year and celebrate the coming of 2016, I hope
you are all able to take the time to reflect on what we have been able to
achieve and focus on the path ahead of us–a path that will take Fiji and all
Fijians to even greater levels of success and prosperity.
In 2015, we completed our first full year as a true democracy,
and the Fijian people had the opportunity to see their votes and their voices
become actions.
2015 was indeed a year of action. It was a year of achievement
and it was a year in which Fiji truly came into its own as a model Pacific
Island country.
We witnessed how successful a Government can be when it remains
untainted by ethnic considerations and division. How effective it can be when
it awards on the basis of merit. How fair it can be when it embraces common and
equal citizenry for all Fijians. And how successful the country can be when we
focus on growing the economy for the well-being and prosperity for all. These
values have led us to become a more unified country, and the world has taken
notice.
This year, I had the opportunity to visit the Fijian diaspora
around the globe and tell them what we have been able to accomplish as a new
Fiji. I let them know that Fiji is back, better than ever before, and that we
are open for business.
The changes that we have implemented were long-awaited by many
of our Fijian brothers and sisters overseas -- and it was an emotional time, as
we reconciled with many people who were told that Fiji was no longer home for
them. They recognised the progress we’ve made, and many committed themselves to
walk side by side with us towards an even more prosperous and united future for
our country.
As we recapture what we lost, and rebuild relationships with
many Fijians who were driven away, we will strengthen our global presence. And
with their knowledge and investment, and together with our home-grown talent,
we will take our economy to even greater heights. That is why reconnecting with
our people living abroad is so important.
My fellow Fijians,
Last year I asked you all to capitalise on our transition into
democracy, and I am proud to say we are meeting that challenge every day. In
2015, we built upon our education revolution, we continued to improve and
modernise our infrastructure – connecting more and more Fijians to roads, water
and electricity - and we logged our sixth consecutive year of economic growth.
Our schools continue to equip our children with new technology
in the classroom that will keep our students, and future workforce, competitive
on the regional and global stage. Our infrastructure continues to develop,
bringing essential services to every corner of the country. Our economy is
improving every day, and my Government will remain committed to making sure
that the benefits reach every level of our society. All of this was made
possible because the vast majority of Fijians are focused on the future, they
don’t live in the past, and they don’t want to go back to the politics and ways
of the old. They have stood as one people, together, to confront the obstacles
that came our way and now step into the future confidently.
My fellow Fijians,
To strengthen our stand as one modern nation, free from its
colonial past and to give ample opportunity to Fijians of all ages, and in
particular our youth, to further contribute and consider what symbols most
rightly represent our wonderful nation; my Government has decided to further
extend the feedback period for designs for the new national flag to 29
February, 2016. The Government has received a number of new submissions since
the 23 designs were published earlier this year.
The new time frame will be as follows: From 1st to
the 19th of March 2016, 5 designs will be chosen, through the PM’s
Office, for you all to vote on. Members of the public will have 3 months to
vote on the 5 designs through public consultations, social media and text
messaging. It is expected that the design with the most votes will be announced
on 1 July to be our new national flag. The new national flag will be raised on
Constitution Day which is on September 7.
I urge you all to join our pursuit for a flag that represents
who we are today, rather than our past and one we can fly proudly into the
future.
With that said, my fellow Fijians, our work can’t stop here.
There is much that is left to be done, not only to reach our potential in the
short-term, but also to pass on better opportunities to our future generations.
That means leaving our children and grandchildren a world, and environment,
that we can be proud of.
Recently, I was in Paris at the United Nations Conference on
Climate Change advocating a strong deal that addressed the threat climate
change poses to our region and demanded real action on the part of developed
countries.
At the start of this month, the UN laid out the Paris Agreement.
It’s not everything we asked for, but it is still a step in the right
direction. But now, more than ever, our commitment will be tested as we
continue to fight to make sure the strong words printed on the agreement take
the form of real, binding cuts on emissions through the developed world.
I am counting on other small island Leaders to stand fast, as we
have in the months leading up to the Conference, and on our development
partners to continue collaborating with us as we push forward in mitigating the
effects of climate change. By having a national co-ordinated approach, we will
mainstream climate change issues to all the Government Ministries and ensure
that we are able to source the right levels of financial support and
allocations.
My fellow Fijians,
I hope that you have been able to spend quality time with your
families and loved ones this holiday season. Families are the backbone of our
country, and we must do what we can to protect the sacred bonds of trust that
hold our families together. That is why I have committed to using every
available opportunity I have to condemn domestic violence and sexual assault
that plague our society.
The law punishes these crimes severely, but we need to create a
culture that disgraces anyone who even thinks about abusing or assaulting our
women and children. And people who commit these atrocities should be mortified
to show their faces in our communities and in our society.
When we allow violence to persist in our most private settings,
when we have such a fundamental breach of trust, it creates an epidemic of
destructive and immoral behaviour that spreads throughout our society, and it
is our collective responsibility to prevent that from happening. As Fijians, we should be able to look at ourselves in
the mirror and know that we are doing our utmost to protect those who cannot
always protect themselves. So, I call on all of you to join me in this mission
to ensure that every Fijian woman and child lives a fulfilling life that is
free from violence and abuse.
As we close out 2015, let us, above all, thank God for the many
blessings, and let’s resolve to do our best to keep building a better Fiji.
Wherever you are on this New Year’s Day, I wish you all a very
happy and prosperous 2016.
Vinaka vakalevu. Thank you.
_________________
Friday, 25 December 2015
Christmas Message from NFP Leader
Pn6. WHILE there continues to be many great challenges on the political and socio-economic front, Christmas is a time to reflect and be guided by each one's spiritual leanings and determine how to chart a pathway for the better in the coming year.
That's the sentiment from Nation Federation Party leader, Professor Biman Prasad as the country celebrates Christmas tomorrow.
"This Christmas many Christians will be celebrating the birth of Christ and all that his life embodied as the standard to aspire for, but Christmas is also a time when other faiths join in to celebrate in their own way," Prof Prasad said.
"Here in Fiji, Christmas is synonymous with cherished times with families where many of our people abroad return home to be with loved ones to share in the partaking of sumptuous lovo or goat curry, church services and share reflections of the year around the tanoa of the year."
Fiji Times.
Thursday, 17 December 2015
The 2016 Budget: Review
Fiji’s 2016 Budget: consistent, confused? Pn5.
By Matthew Dornan on Dec 17, 2015 06:00 am
Fiji’s 2016 budget was delivered last month by the Minister for Finance and Attorney-General, Aiyaz Sayed-Khaiyum, with the theme of “a strong Fiji, a fair Fiji, a healthy Fiji”. The second budget of a democratically elected Bainimarama government, it included a few surprises and policy reversals, which are discussed below. As a whole, however, the budget was very much a continuation of budgets delivered by the government in previous years (including prior to its election).
The highlights of the 2016 budget include:
Economic growth has helped reduce the risk associated with high levels of government spending. The Fiji government continues to incur deficits as a result of record spending, with the net deficit incurred by the 2016 budget measuring FJ$286m, or 2.9% of GDP (this excludes repayment of existing debt, which leads to a gross deficit to FJ$445m, or 4.5% of GDP). This is higher than the net deficit set by the 2015 budget, which was FJ$214m, or of 2.5% of GDP, although the actual deficit in 2015 is likely to be higher given that a number of asset sales flagged in the 2015 budget did not proceed. Indeed, the actual net deficit in 2014 was 4% of GDP, more than twice the 1.9% figure set in the 2014 budget.
A more accurate figure for the deficit would exclude one-off asset sales (this would also be closer to the Government Statistics Framework adopted by the IMF since 2001, which incorporates asset sales as financing rather than revenue). For the 2016 budget, exclusion of one-off asset sales produces a deficit of FJ$606m, or 6.1% of GDP. This is a better figure for the simple reason that the government will no longer have the option of selling these assets once the sale proceeds. In Fiji, it is also likely to be more accurate given the fact that many asset sales flagged previously, in both the 2014 and 2015 budgets, have not yet proceeded. The impact of including these asset sales in the 2014, 2015, and 2016 budgets is highlighted in Figure 1.

The focus on infrastructure spending in successive budgets to some extent ameliorates these concerns, provided that (i) infrastructure spending is associated with higher quality infrastructure (and access), and (ii) this leads to productivity improvements, lower costs, and better access to markets for producers (thereby facilitating economic growth). Capital expenditure in the 2016 budget is FJ$1,341m, or 39.3% of total government expenditure, higher than ever before (this is shown in Figure 2). The Fiji Roads Authority (FRA) has again secured significant resources in the budget (FJ$636m). Transparency of this spending has improved, with the FRA publishing annual reports and half yearly reports. However, there are ongoing questions about the ability of the FRA to spend such funds, with the half yearly report published in September noting that 39% of budgeted funds had been spent so far in 2015.

The changes to the VAT and to taxation of tourism are undoubtedly the most significant policy changes delivered by the 2016 budget.
The desire to increase revenue from the established tourism industry is understandable, given most major hotels are foreign-owned and tax revenue received from the sector in the past has been minimal. Nevertheless, the increase in the services turnover tax from 5% to 10% in addition to the imposition of a new Environmental Levy applied at 6% of turnover is a considerable impost on a specific industry.
More surprising are the government’s changes to value added taxation (VAT). For a government that in 2011 raised the VAT from 12.5% to 15%, while at the same time maintaining exemptions on payment of VAT for a range of essential goods (and introducing some new exemptions), these policy reversals are odd. The Opposition Finance Spokesperson, Biman Prasad, has argued that they point to a “confused government”. The reasoning behind the changes was not made much clearer by Aiyaz Sayed-Khaiyum’s budget speech [pdf]. He first made the claim that by “having exemptions to VAT we … create a regressive taxation system” because “if the logic is that VAT should be exempt on certain items because you want to protect the less well-off, then it does not work because the rich also don‘t pay VAT on those items”. This claim is false. Low income households spend more of their income on essential items than wealthier households. Imposing VAT on essential goods is regressive.
The Minister for Finance subsequently justified the move with the argument that the tax system should be “more equitable and transparent, which means simplifying and rationalising the system to root out inconsistencies or special privileges that serve no useful social or economic purpose.” While a reasonable claim on its own, this argument is undermined by other tax reforms announced in the 2016 budget. The Minister for Finance proceeded in his speech to parliament to describe a long list of special exemptions to import duty, many of which contradict other elements of the budget. These include:
The 2016 budget is a strange document. As a whole, it is consistent with earlier budgets, reflecting the government’s strong desire to develop infrastructure using government funds, even at the risk of accumulating higher levels of debt. It announces some good initiatives, including efforts (yet untested) to reform the civil service. However, the 2016 budget’s inclusion of major policy reversals and a long list of ad hoc revenue decisions that are not well explained serves to undermine the government’s economic management credibility. Let’s hope that the Bainimarama government produces a clearer vision in its next budget.
Matthew Dornan is a Research Fellow at the Development Policy Centre. His previous commentary on the 2015, 2014, 2013, and 2012 Fiji budgets is also available on the Devpolicy blog.
By Matthew Dornan on Dec 17, 2015 06:00 am
Fiji’s 2016 budget was delivered last month by the Minister for Finance and Attorney-General, Aiyaz Sayed-Khaiyum, with the theme of “a strong Fiji, a fair Fiji, a healthy Fiji”. The second budget of a democratically elected Bainimarama government, it included a few surprises and policy reversals, which are discussed below. As a whole, however, the budget was very much a continuation of budgets delivered by the government in previous years (including prior to its election).
The highlights of the 2016 budget include:
- Significant changes to the value added tax (VAT), including a decrease in the VAT rate, which will drop from 15% to 9%, and the imposition of VAT on basic food items and certain medicines that were previously exempt.
- Higher taxation of the tourism industry, including increases to the Service Turnover Tax (applicable to a range of tourism services, including hotel accommodation) rate from 5% to 10%, and the introduction of an Environmental Levy of 6% on tourism-related activities.
- Continuation of high levels of spending on capital works, including funding of road infrastructure through the Fiji Roads Authority.
- A mishmash of changes to import duties across a range of items.
- A renewed focus on tax compliance, with heavy penalties (and words from the Minister for Finance) for tax cheats.
- Asset sales (many of which had been flagged previously but have not occurred).
Economic growth has helped reduce the risk associated with high levels of government spending. The Fiji government continues to incur deficits as a result of record spending, with the net deficit incurred by the 2016 budget measuring FJ$286m, or 2.9% of GDP (this excludes repayment of existing debt, which leads to a gross deficit to FJ$445m, or 4.5% of GDP). This is higher than the net deficit set by the 2015 budget, which was FJ$214m, or of 2.5% of GDP, although the actual deficit in 2015 is likely to be higher given that a number of asset sales flagged in the 2015 budget did not proceed. Indeed, the actual net deficit in 2014 was 4% of GDP, more than twice the 1.9% figure set in the 2014 budget.
A more accurate figure for the deficit would exclude one-off asset sales (this would also be closer to the Government Statistics Framework adopted by the IMF since 2001, which incorporates asset sales as financing rather than revenue). For the 2016 budget, exclusion of one-off asset sales produces a deficit of FJ$606m, or 6.1% of GDP. This is a better figure for the simple reason that the government will no longer have the option of selling these assets once the sale proceeds. In Fiji, it is also likely to be more accurate given the fact that many asset sales flagged previously, in both the 2014 and 2015 budgets, have not yet proceeded. The impact of including these asset sales in the 2014, 2015, and 2016 budgets is highlighted in Figure 1.
Figure 1: Fiji budgets: deficits and asset sales

Notes: The purpose of this figure is
to illustrate the impact of excluding asset sales from net deficit
figures. As a result, 2014, 2015 and 2016 budget figures are used for
these years. These figures do not necessarily reflect actual deficits.
The actual net deficit in 2014 was 4% of GDP, while revised estimates
for 2015 are yet to be provided.
These deficits are manageable, provided the good times continue. But
they are also too high for a country enjoying good economic growth. The
delivery of deficits year after year places Fiji at higher risk should
it suffer a downturn, whether caused by a collapse in consumer
confidence or (more likely) an external shock. Those that bear this risk
the most are the pension fund members on whose savings most of these
deficits are funded. This year’s budget aside, it is therefore
encouraging to see the Ministry of Finance aiming to reduce debt
(currently 48.3% of GDP) to 45% of GDP as part of its medium-term fiscal
strategy.The focus on infrastructure spending in successive budgets to some extent ameliorates these concerns, provided that (i) infrastructure spending is associated with higher quality infrastructure (and access), and (ii) this leads to productivity improvements, lower costs, and better access to markets for producers (thereby facilitating economic growth). Capital expenditure in the 2016 budget is FJ$1,341m, or 39.3% of total government expenditure, higher than ever before (this is shown in Figure 2). The Fiji Roads Authority (FRA) has again secured significant resources in the budget (FJ$636m). Transparency of this spending has improved, with the FRA publishing annual reports and half yearly reports. However, there are ongoing questions about the ability of the FRA to spend such funds, with the half yearly report published in September noting that 39% of budgeted funds had been spent so far in 2015.
Figure 2: Fiji budgets: trends

The changes to the VAT and to taxation of tourism are undoubtedly the most significant policy changes delivered by the 2016 budget.
The desire to increase revenue from the established tourism industry is understandable, given most major hotels are foreign-owned and tax revenue received from the sector in the past has been minimal. Nevertheless, the increase in the services turnover tax from 5% to 10% in addition to the imposition of a new Environmental Levy applied at 6% of turnover is a considerable impost on a specific industry.
More surprising are the government’s changes to value added taxation (VAT). For a government that in 2011 raised the VAT from 12.5% to 15%, while at the same time maintaining exemptions on payment of VAT for a range of essential goods (and introducing some new exemptions), these policy reversals are odd. The Opposition Finance Spokesperson, Biman Prasad, has argued that they point to a “confused government”. The reasoning behind the changes was not made much clearer by Aiyaz Sayed-Khaiyum’s budget speech [pdf]. He first made the claim that by “having exemptions to VAT we … create a regressive taxation system” because “if the logic is that VAT should be exempt on certain items because you want to protect the less well-off, then it does not work because the rich also don‘t pay VAT on those items”. This claim is false. Low income households spend more of their income on essential items than wealthier households. Imposing VAT on essential goods is regressive.
The Minister for Finance subsequently justified the move with the argument that the tax system should be “more equitable and transparent, which means simplifying and rationalising the system to root out inconsistencies or special privileges that serve no useful social or economic purpose.” While a reasonable claim on its own, this argument is undermined by other tax reforms announced in the 2016 budget. The Minister for Finance proceeded in his speech to parliament to describe a long list of special exemptions to import duty, many of which contradict other elements of the budget. These include:
- zero duty on sanitary pads, tampons and diapers
- reduced duty on baby garments, undergarments for men and women, and deodorants (32% to 5%); as well as skin-care products, shaving preparations, cameras and camcorders, sunglasses and binoculars, electronic games, and watches and jewellery (15%)
- reduced duty on quad bikes, used almost exclusively in the tourism industry (taxes for which are increasing) (from 15% to 5%)
- reduction in the duty on motorcycles (15% to 5%)
- elimination of the duty on bicycles
The 2016 budget is a strange document. As a whole, it is consistent with earlier budgets, reflecting the government’s strong desire to develop infrastructure using government funds, even at the risk of accumulating higher levels of debt. It announces some good initiatives, including efforts (yet untested) to reform the civil service. However, the 2016 budget’s inclusion of major policy reversals and a long list of ad hoc revenue decisions that are not well explained serves to undermine the government’s economic management credibility. Let’s hope that the Bainimarama government produces a clearer vision in its next budget.
Matthew Dornan is a Research Fellow at the Development Policy Centre. His previous commentary on the 2015, 2014, 2013, and 2012 Fiji budgets is also available on the Devpolicy blog.
Tuesday, 15 December 2015
Parliamentary Committee to Investigate Torture Claims
BREAKING NEWS. Pn3. Military zero tolerance violence
against women.
![]() |
Stop all brutality
|
This is a healthy development. I hope the Committee starts by defining torture, and if the Fiji allegations fall outside the definition, it be widened to include brutality, a less emotional and, in my opinion, a more appropriate term for the alleged actions. Further down the road the real test will be whether government acts on the Committee's recommendations should they find the allegations valid. - Croz
Torture claims
Siteri SauvakacolBBBBBo And Nasik Swami
Tuesday, December 15, 2015
http://www.fijitimes.com/story.aspx?id=333929
A MEETING of the Parliamentary Standing Committee on Foreign Affairs and Defence yesterday has agreed to look into allegations of torture by lawyer Aman Ravindra Singh and the abrupt departure of the former commissioner of police.
The meeting followed a letter from committee member Roko Tupou Draunidalo to committee chairman Netani Rika urging the committee to look into the alleged matters because they were central to the committee's oversight functions, duties and powers.
She said the committee would soon invite members of the public involved in the matter who had been allegedly tortured and unlawfully detained to make submissions before it.
Following submissions, the committee is expected to compile a report and table it to Parliament for further actions.
While the committee finalises a date for public submissions, Acting RFMF Commander Rear Admiral Viliame Naupoto has refuted claims by Mr Ravindra Singh of mistreatment at the hands of the disciplined forces.
"There is no involvement of military personnel on any of those allegations but if there is anything, we will wait for police. If they are going to lodge a formal complaint, there will be an investigation," Rear Admiral Naupoto said.
Acting Commissioner of Police Brigadier General Sitiveni Qiliho has given his reassurance they would investigate the claims should an official police complaint be lodged.
"I told him (Mr Ravindra Singh) to call me when he lodged an official complaint but he hasn't and nothing as well has been lodged in the West," Brig-Gen Qiliho said.
"I gave Aman that personal assurance as well last week that we will deal with the issue."
When contacted yesterday, Mr Ravindra Singh said he would call an official press conference on Wednesday.
Mr Ravindra Singh's story has been reported in the international media claiming the men who tortured his friends wore military boots, were well-trained and spoke in a certain manner.
He told Radio New Zealand specifically that he and his staff were fearful after three attacks, two of which happened within hours of each other two weeks ago.
Thursday, 10 December 2015
Human Rights and Wrongs in Fiji
Pn2. Today, December 10th, is International Human Rights Day and a time to reflect on the
status of human rights world-wide and in Fiji.
A
recent Radio NZ International broadcast1
on a claim of torture by Lautoka lawyer
Aman Ravindra-Singh is a good starting point for reflection because
it raises not one but four important questions: 1) the role of RNZI
in reporting news from Fiji; 2) the lawyer's claims, motives and credibility; 3) the ongoing saga of human rights abuse claims against the
Fiji police and military; and 4) the role of the Fiji First
Government in relation to its domestic and international obligations
on human rights. I'll take one at a time.
1.
RNZI reports on Fiji.
This is not the first time the state-owned
and taxpayer funded broadcaster has taken a less than objective
stance on the Fiji political scene. I don't know who called who,
Singh or the broadcaster, but responsible journalism required
accuracy in publishing Singh's comments; an opportunity for those
accused to answer the accusations; and some attempt to place the
events reported in their historical and cultural context. RNZI
appeared to make no attempt to verify Singh's statement with the Fiji
authorities; certainly none was published, and the context was
limited to Singh's law practice and not the wider setting in which
his accusations need to be placed. In effect, RNZI allowed itself to
be used as a unchallenged launch pad for Singh's comments. Its
listeners deserved more.
2.
The lawyer's claims, motives and credibility1
![]() |
Aman Ravindra-Singh (L). |
Aman
Ravindra-Singh is a former prosecutor for the Fiji Department of
Public Prosecutions; the secretary of an unsuccessful party in the recent
Elections*, and he is “representing dozens of people who've been
brought before the courts in recent months, some accused of trying to
set up a sovereign Christian state in Fiji and others alleged to have
taken part in a para-military style group.”
He
says he and his employees have received threats “by
men he believes are members of Fiji's security forces” [and] one
employee
was bundled into a car and driven into the bush where for two hours
he was subjected to acts of torture including being stomped on, hit
with a rod, pricked with pins, and injected with liquid.”
He says the attackers were evidently members of the security forces.
"The men had military boots on, they were well-trained, they
were very fit ... it was the way spoke … the men were in plain
clothes and their faces were covered [they asked] 'why is he against
the government'
and 'you can tell him this is going to happen to him' and 'we're
looking for him.'" He believes the aim of the threats is to stop
him representing those accused in the sedition cases.
So
far so good. The attackers could be security, and the attacks could
be because of the sedition cases.
![]() |
Sitiveni Qiliho |
But whoever they were, Singh should
have reported the matter to the Police.
As
Acting Police Commissioner Sitiveni Qiliho has said —and as Singh
knows full well— the police cannot act without a complaint.2
They cannot be accused of failing to act unless a complaint is made.
I
asked an informed observer about Singh's allegations. He replied:
“The
police cannot fail if he does not make an official complaint with
chapter and verse and details. Some of this might be true, but I also
suspect the lily has been gilded for the international market.”
3.
Human Rights Abuses by Police and Military
The remainder of Singh's interview with RNZI concerned what he called a daily "litany of human rights abuses." "In police stations around the country Fiji citizens are slapped, punched, kicked, intimidated, threatened, co-erced (sic!) into giving confessions, sometimes not fed. There are a litany of cases,"
Another
informed observer had this to say on the daily litany of torture:
The word 'torture' conjures up images of extreme brutality not practised in Fiji.
See footnote 4.
4. Government and
Human Rights
Singh
goes on to say, "It's absolute nonsense what the Fiji
government says out there in support of human rights and it is
absolutely a farce that the Fiji government receives praise from the
United Nations and from the European Union because we are on the
ground here and we are the ones putting up with the violation and
breaches of human rights and I'm personally experiencing this on the
ground.”
The
implication is that Government knows what is going on, sometimes
encourages it, and does nothing to stop it, which implies a political
motive. As my first observer responded:
"As you know there are elements in Fiji's security forces (police, military and corrections) prone to using violence and violating human rights of citizens. Whether
this has tacit approval of the government of the day is another matter. However,
those violating human rights are rarely charged and convicted - this is a common
enough occurrence in many of the so-called democracies of the world including
the USA.
"Unfortunately with each coup, elements of the security forces in Fiji have enjoyed immunity from prosecution even though there were clear cases of gross
violations of human rights including the loss of life. The sense of impunity of the
men in uniform has been enhanced with the coups.”
My second observer was
more forthright:
”To suggest this is
political is nonsense; it is endemic in the police culture which must
be eradicated. He is making a political not a sociological comment."
Where now?
A
week ago a burglary in a Lautoka internet cafe and alleged brutality
by the police is possibly also related to the sedition charges mentioned by Singh but in
this case the cafe owner complained to the Police Commissioner and
has been assured of police protection.3
![]() |
Christopher Pryde |
Also last week, the Director of Public Prosecutions, Christopher
Pryde, threw out charges
against a Jone Manasa because of evidence that that he had been
assaulted by Police in custody.
The DPP said, “The
allegations against the police officers are very serious. The file
will now be returned to the Police recommending that an investigation
is commenced into the allegations raised by Mr Manasa.”4
And
as I write, the Fiji Times announces that the PM has called on the
President to revoke the appointment of the Ifereimi Vasu, Acting
Commissioner of the Corrections Service, due to a charge of abuse of
office.5
In
October Government outlined to the United Nations Human Rights
Council efforts it was making in the area of human rights which
including police training. Parliament has unanimously agreed to
ratify
the UN Convention Against Torture. Money has also been provided to
the police to set up rooms for video recording of interviews of
suspects in custody.
These
events show that efforts are being made to eliminate brutal and
illegal acts by the security services. But I doubt they will be
enough. The problem will probably never be totally solved. After all, far worse
abuses are reported almost daily from that self-proclaimed bastion of
democracy, the United States. And Fiji is but a fledgling democracy.
To
eliminate police, military and corrections brutality, the Fiji
Government must insist that those found guilty of these illegal
activities are punishment and their employment terminated. It must be impressed on all security officers that this behaviour will no longer be tolerated. There must be no more cozy statements about immunity.
This government is the first since the 1987 coup that has the support, coordination and strength to really act on this issue. But the lead has to come from the top, the very top.
This government is the first since the 1987 coup that has the support, coordination and strength to really act on this issue. But the lead has to come from the top, the very top.
![]() |
The Top: PM Voreqe Bainimarama |
![]() |
The Top: A-G Aiyaz Sayed-Khaiyum |
Notes
* This sentence has been amended thanks to the reader's comment noted below.
* This sentence has been amended thanks to the reader's comment noted below.
- Torture is usually defined as inflicting extreme physical or psychological pain. Methods typically involve intensive and prolonged beatings, extended solitary confinement, rape, sexual abuse, mock executions, water boarding, and the extraction of finger and toe nails and teeth..
- http://www.fijitimes.com/story.aspx?id=333375
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