(B) Fiji's Ethnically Unbalanced Public Sector Workforce

How to retain skilled Indo-Fijian public service officers was an issue  discussed at Tuesday's meeting of the National People's Charter Advisory Council. Chairperson Josefa Serulagilagi (Photo: FijiVillage) expressed concern at the  "low representation of Fiji Indians in senior civil service positions and heads of missions overseas ... Unfortunately, for some of our Indo-Fijian officers (working in the civil service)  is like a stepping stone into other areas such as the private sector, then they go overseas. That is the problem we are facing at the moment."  He was hopeful the People's Charter would help stop the drain brain.

Problem of ethnic balance not new
The problem of reasonably balanced ethnic represention is not new. It is a product of the plural society created by colonialism where residence-occupation-income-inclusiveness and ethnicity were absolutely linked. In a paper published in 1976*, based on the pre-Independence 1966 census, I wrote: "Thus, provinces, localities and even occupations can often be considered Indian or Fijian, and ethnically mixed settlements and occupations are the exception. The implications for a government concerned with achieving an ethnic balance must be obvious."

Suva's ethnic suburbs
These were the days when Europeans employed in government, and their Fijian servants, dominated the old affluent Suva suburb of the Domain; privately-employed Europeans, their Fijian servants and a smattering of successful Indian business people the new suburbs of Tamavua (beyond which, outside the city boundary was the Fijian "urban village" of the same name), while most Fijians lived in squatter settlements and urban villages, in Lami and Walu Bay or the "mixed" Housing  Authority suburbs of Raiwaqa and Raiwai, and most Indians lived close to the site of the old Indian "labour lines" (that used to be outside the city boundary) in Samabula and Nabua.  Children rarely went to the nearest school but commuted across the city to the school that best matched their ethnicity, religion and gender. A tangle of ethnic fault lines dissected the city. Independence gradually brought major changes to this distribution but the pattern is too indelibly sketched for total removal.

Polarised economy
So too with the economy about which I then wrote: "The polarisation of... residence was therefore also found, as expected, in the economy, and it seems likely that this general pattern will continue with Fijians being likely to fill more positions in government and Indians more positions in the private sector. Hence, the balance of political power seems likely to remain with Fijians while Indians will dominate the economy and hold economic power. It is important for Fiji that ethnic differences are not compounded by class and occupational differences but unless government intervenes a better balance seems unlikely either in job type or status level."

Recent calls for balance
The People's Charter is not the first to call for ethnic occupational balance.  The 1997 Constition (section 140 (c)) stated: "the composition of the state service at all levels should reflect as closely as possible the ethnic composition of the population." There was a long way to go to this goal. A year earlier, at the 1996 Census when the paid workforce was 46% Fijian and 49% Indian, 61% of government services was Fijian (Indian 32%), public order was 63% Fijian (33% Indian), and defence 91% Fijian (5% Indian). "Other" ethnic groups brought these totals to 100%.**

The Indo-Fijian contribution to the workforce will have declined since, due mainly to emigration, accelerated by the uncertainty of four coups, three of which were anti-Indian, but to the best of my knowledge no government until now has actively sought to redress the balance, and Fijian-only tertiary-level scholarships can only have increased the imbalance -- a point not overlooked by the NPCAC.

The Police and Military
I suspect far less than 33% of the Police Force (public order) is now Indo-Fijian. But the greatest ethnic disparity, of course, is in defence where, I understand, no extra steps have been taken to recruit Indo-Fijians. In several ways, defence can be argued as a "special case" (that I intend to discuss in a later posting) but the police force is not a special case, and  ultimately government's equality good intentions will need to be seen in a more ethnically-balanced military.

Is the ethnic imbalance increasing?
One reader asked "I wonder if you may care to ask readers for opinions on today's comment by Mr Serulagilagi on the racial imbalance in some sections of Government. I have visited the Ministry of Indigenous Affairs on several occasions over the past 2-3 months and the racial imbalance (all i-Taukei) hits me in the face every time I go there - from the security officer at the door, right through. Only Vosa Viti is spoken." I will add a further question: What's happened to last year's government announcement that school children and civil servants will attend classes to make them to some extent tri-lingual? Does anyone know the answer?

We know historical discrepancies take years to eradicate but is there sufficient    evidence  that Fiji, under the Bainimarama government, is heading in the right direction?

I would be interested in readers' opinions.  -- Crosbie Walsh.


References
* Walsh, A C 1976:"The Ethnic Variable in the Urbanization of Fiji," in Population at Microscale, ed. Kosinski L A and J Webb.
** Walsh, Crosbie 2006: "Employment in Government Services" p.323 in
Walsh,  Fiji: an Encylopaedic Atlas.

(o) Lament Over Democracy in Fiji:Sanjay Ramesh*

An excellent, thought-provoking and provocative article on Fiji's coups with comments on Australia's and NZ's policies and the role of the media in 1987, 2000 and 2006; the accusations against Bainimarama over the November 2000 mutiny; how Bainimarama tried to work within the Constitution, and why the press is now restricted.  Click here  or here for full article.
* Sanjay Ramesh is an adjunct research associate in transforming cultures at the  National University of Fiji. He is currently completing a research degree on inter-group conflict in Fiji at the Centre for Peace and Conflict Studies at the University of Sydney. He invites you to send comments to sanjay.ramesh@uts.edu.au

(o+) Snippets: IMF, Land Reform, Labasa's New Health Unit, Violence against Women, Constitution Retentions, Corruption Suspicions

THE SPECTRUM SAGA IS UPDATED DAILY, 
WHEN SOMEONE SAYS SOMETHING NEW.

SEE UPDATES AT THE END OF THE ARTICLE.

AFTER TWO WEEK OF CONSULTATIONS IN FIJI,the International Monetary Fund (IMF) has advised Government that rushed civil service reforms could result in the loss of experienced manpower. The retirement age policy that  saw 2,044 civil servants go home earlier this year was part of the Civil Service Reform. The IMF also advised Government to stop borrowing, and reduce its reliance on the Fiji National Provident Fund as a source of finance. Full story.

WORK ON A LAND DATABANK has started at the Ministry of Lands and Minerals, working closely with the Native Land Trust Board. The work is part of the Ministry's 2010 - 2014 Strategic Planlaunched in Suva on Tuesday. Outcomes will assist land reform aimed at better land use and accessibility, needed to save the sugar industry and open more opportunities for tourism and agriculture. The reforms, part of the 2010-2014 Stategic Plan, will benefit landowners financially and not affect their ownership. The Plan was undertaken following community-wide consultations. Government says Fiji also needs the reforms so that State lands, minerals and groundwater resources are utilised and developed to provide better returns to the country's economy. Full story.

THE KOREAN-FUNDED ACCIDENT AND EMERGENCY UNIT IN LABASA, the main town in Fiji's second largest island, is the largest in the country. The Unit cost $2.5m. Health Minister Dr Neil Sharma  said the project was to ensure people in the North received the best health care."With the completion of these new units, we are determined to make quality health services more accessible to our people."  Full story.

FIJI'S WOMEN'S RIGHTS MOVEMENT is organizing 16 days of activism starting Wednesday. November 29th is International Women Human Rights Defenders Day, and December 1st World AIDS Day. Full story.

PARTS OF 1997 CONSTITUTION WILL BE RETAINED. Listen here to Radio Australia's interview with Attorney-GeneralAiyaz Sayed-Khaiyum. PM Bainimarama had earlier informed visiting EU officials that clauses on the rule of law, the judiciary, human rights and democratic principles will be re-authorised by presidential decree. The main element to be changed is the race-based electoral system.There never was any intention of "throwing the baby out with the bathwater."

MIDDLE EAST RECRUITER QUESTIONED. Timoci Lolohea, head of the Meridian Services Company, has again been taken in for questioning by Police following fresh complaints that he has received money in exchange for promises of jobs in the Middle East. It is suspected he was at the centre of a scam where more than 20,000 people allegedly paid a total of more than $3 million after being promised jobs in Kuwait. Full story.

Some Comments on Ratu Epeli's Appointment and a Short Biography of the President and First Lady

As diplomatic relations with Australia and New Zealand continue to deteriorate, Ratu Epeli Nailatikau was today inducted  President of Fiji for the next three years. No vice-president is to be appointed. If the President is absent, Chief Justice Anthony Gates will act on his behalf. Ratu Epeli has been Acting President since Ratu Iloilo retired in on 30 July.

Following his induction as President, Ratu Epeli read the 13th century prayer of Saint Francis of Assisi - Lord, make me an instrument of thy peace.

"Lord, make me an instrument of Thy peace; where there is hatred, let me sow love; where there is injury, pardon; where there is doubt, faith; where there is despair, hope; where there is darkness, light; and where there is sadness, joy." (Fiji Times)

Earlier, Government spokesman Neumi Leweni said the appointment was discussed by cabinet "quite a while ago." Why a decision was delayed for three months is anyone's guess, but the much quoted Dr Jonathan Fraenkel, of the Australian National University, "a leading academic on Fiji" (Oh, to aspire to such acclaim and be quoted as much, or indeed, to be quoted at all!) has one explanation. He says:

“Quite a few people have suggested that there’s some nervousness on Bainimarama’s part of giving executive power to Ratu Epeli Nailatikau [because Ratu Epeli is part of the old elite he told the UN he was replacing]. So there’s obviously [sic!] some fissions  going on within the cabinet.” The delay could "suggest a split within the interim regime."

Ratu Epeli, a former army commander, is credited with guiding Bainimarama through his early military career.

Several anti-government blog are openly critical.  FijiTruth's article by former SDL politician Mere Samisoni (still living, unmolested, in Lami) calls it a "miscarriage of justice" and says deposed VP Ratu Joni Madraiwiwi was supposed to be the next president as agreed by the Great Council of Chiefs.

In a rambling, disjointed statement she says "Bainimarama and his stooges have [acted] to avoid paying the price, under the rule of law, for what happened under his command to the murdered Counter Revolutionary Warfare soldiers and the four civilians. With Nailatikau's appointment, there is now a Mara-Ganilau dynasty that is trying to "rule and own the Fijian people and our land... Fiji languishes under Bainimarama’s politics of expediency. This kind of politics does not promote public good or Justice. It is greedy for power, money and status and it is an insult to the Fijian people, to our history, our culture and our sacred values and aspirations." She then calls for elections.

Brief Biography

Ratu Epeli Nailatikau LVO OBE MSD OStJ (68) has had a long career in the military, diplomatic service, and government. He was 17 years in the military, saw combat service in Sarawak, and  rose to Brigadier-General and Commander of the RFMF only to be deposed while overseas by Lt Col Sitiveni Rabuka in the 1987 Coup. His diplomatic career followed after a Foreign Service course at Oxford University with appointments to United Kingdom and Fiji's Roving Ambassador and High Commissioner to the member states of the South Pacific Forum, before taking up a post as Permanent Secretary for Foreign Affairs and External Trade in 1999.

Following the Speight Coup of 2000 that he strongly opposed he was nominated for Prime Minister but withdrew in favour of consensus candidate Laisenia Qarase. He was Deputy Prime Minister and Minister for Fijian Affairs in Qarase's interim Cabinet, and  following the 2001 elections he was Speaker of the House until the 2006 miliatary Coup. Since then he has successively been Interim Minister of Foreign Affairs, Provincial Development and Multi-Ethnic Affairs,  Indigenous Affairs, and Vice-President.

In Fiji and in the Pacific, he is known for his outspoken appeals to combat AIDS and in 2005 he was appointed the UNAIDS Special Representative for the Pacific.

Ratu Epeli is the great-great-grandson of Ratu Seru Epenisa Cakobau who ceded Fiji to the British, the second son of Ratu Edward Cakobau, the Fiji Battalion Commander in World War II, and an uncle of the present king of Tonga.

He is married to Adi Koila Mara, the second daughter of  modern Fiji's founding statesman Ratu Sir Kamisese Mara,  who was a Cabinet Minister in the Chaudhry FLP Coalition Government. Adi Koila was detained by Speight with other Government members for 54 days. She later spoke out strongly against Qarase's inclusion in government of extreme nationalist CAMV politicians who had supported the Speight Coup, and praised Bainimarama for speaking for the "silent majority" in opposing Qarase's "Reconciliation" Bill.  She blames the Coup for the early death of her father and mother.

Her mother, Ro Lady Lala Mara, was Ro Tui Dreketi and head of the Burebasaga confederacy until her death when she was succeeded by her younger sister, Ro Teimumu Kepa, who is a strong anti-Government spokesperson. Adi Koila's brothers are Ratu Finau Mara, recently appointed Tui Nayau and Coup supporter, and Ratu Tevita Uluilakeba Mara, the fourth-ranking officer in the RFMF.  

Ratu Epeli Nailatikau will probably be the last president before a new constitution is written. It is doubtful the future will see a return to the past with the president nominated by the Great Council of Chiefs who must be an ethnic Fijian. But the appointment could be made by the ruling party or, more likely, by parliamentary agreement, or even by the people in a national election.  The position could be largely ceremonial, with or without emergency powers, or, if elected, have some of the powers of a US president.

We will know sometime before 2014.  But, of course, if the Government is overthrown before then, the chiefs could once again be the power brokers -- and even more "reconciliation" will be needed.

Sources: Wikipedia and various.

(B) "The Indians Want Your Land"

Just as parents in the West used to warn their children, "The bogeyman will get you" to enforce compliance, extreme ethnic Fijian nationalists use "The Indians will get your land" bogeyman to justify the 1987 and 2000 coups, condemn democracy as a "foreign flower," demand the President and Prime Minister must always be Fijians, and  oppose all of Bainimarama's intended reforms*. Their real purpose, of course, is not the protection of Fijian land and custom, but the protection of power and privilege for the sections of the Fijian elite of which they approve.

The fears, of course, are quite unfounded, as the nationalists know full well.  Eight Acts of Parliament protected Fijian, Rotuman and Banaban customary rights, and the 1997 Constitution ensured there was no way of amending these acts unless the overwhelming majority of Fijian leaders wanted change.

The Acts in question are the Fijian Affairs Act, Fijian Development Fund Act, Native Lands Act, Native Land Trust Act, Rotuma Act, Rotuman Lands Act,  Banaban Lands Act, and the Banaban Settlement Act. The Constitution's Chapter 13 on Group Rights states any change to any one of these acts requires a (a) parliamentary bill, to be read three times and passed by the majority of members on the second and third reading, and (b) approval by at least 9 of the 14 Senate members nominated by the Bose Levu Vakaturaga, the Great Council of Chiefs who were then appointed by the President. So even if the other 18 members of Senate (9 nominated by the PM, 8 by the Leader of the Opposition, 1 by the Council of Rotuma) voted for change, which was extremely unlikely,  the GCC-nominees could prevent it. 

With a Lower and Upper House overwhelmingly Fijian (as they are likely to remain whatever the outcome of the present political situation), even the most minor change not wanted by Fijians was just as probable as seeing a real bogeyman. Is it any wonder the Constitution was not translated into Fijian!

* The Interim Government has no intention of removing these laws, although changes may be made to the operation of the Native Land Trust Act to permit a fairer distribution of land rent moneys, and the powers of the GCC are likely to be removed.

(o+) A Verbatim Summary of the "Perfectly Frank" Interview

Frank (Voqere) Bainimarama's recent "Perfectly Frank" interview by Australia SBS video journalist Mark Davis has been widely circulated by those opposed to Bainimarama, probably because they think he came out of the interview rather poorly. I thought differently. True, his "style" is not the typically diplomatic and he has a "raw" way of saying things in English, but what he actually said confirms my impression: he's perfectly consistent in what he says he's trying to achieve, and he means what he says. Of how many diplomats or politicians can this be said?

Of the interview itself, the two men seemed to be talking past each other on different planes of non-comprehension. Davis couldn't understand where Bainimarama was coming from: "Surely this man cannot believe what he's saying!" while Bainimarama seemed to be thinking: "How many times are they going to ask these questions? Why don't they believe me?"

In this post Baimarama's main points are grouped by topics. Otherwise his words are unchanged. Some quite lengthy exchanges have been omitted. To see the video of the interview, click here, and to read the text in full, click here. Read more...

On Australia, New Zealand and the Pacific Island Forum
"A lot of people don't want to understand the situation here - especially Australia and New Zealand ...Why is [the Australian Foreign Minister] warning me? Is he the forum? He's not the forum. The forum is a group of island nations in the Pacific - it's not Australia, it's not New Zealand. But do you see what's happening? They are using bulldozing tactics to have their way with the Forum. ... there's a lot of things that you from Australia and New Zealand don't see. You don't understand the politics in Fiji."


On Australian and New Zealand Influence on Internal Fiji Politics
Bainimarama: "The only reason these people [his main opponents] are vocal is because of the stance taken by Australia and New Zealand."
Davis: "It's encouraged them?"
Bainimarama: "It's encouraged them. In fact, they are encouraging one another."

On What He's Trying to Do
"I keep telling everyone a radical change needs to be brought in. And radical change cannot be brought in by some weak organisation ... Yes [I am demanding "changes" and "obedience", Davis's words] for a reason, because we want to bring about changes and you can't bring about changes if you wait 20 years for that to come about. You need to have it done - today... If there were going to be any changes to the electoral reform, why didn't we make the changes in the last 30 years?

On Why No Elections Now
Davis: "If you an election were held today, I think you'd agree, Mr Qarase would probably win it."
Bainimarama: "Exactly. Because of the way the constitution is done, how the electoral system is made up, that can never change. And why? Because the politicians are happy with that - they are comfortable with that. They want the race issue to remain so that they can win.""He would win it and where would that take us? ... It's not going to take us anywhere because as I've said we are trying to change the mindset of the people from the racial issues that were prevalent in the last 10 years to what we want to take Fiji to."
Davis: "Equal suffrage Multi-ethnic equal rights?
Bainimarama: "Exactly. Isn't that what the Australians would want?

On the Role of the Military in Bringing about Change
Bainimarama broke the 2000 Speight coup, installed Qarase but as Davis said "they quickly fell out, again on issues of race and indigenous power."]

"What I did in 2000 was exactly what I did in 2006. We took away executive authority in 2000 because of the chaos and I handed executive authority to the politicians, the political masses, in the understanding that politicians were going to take us forward. They did not. Qarase and his crowd did a turnabout, did a turnaround on the military. Everything, or the direction that we wanted them to take the country to, to include all the races, they didn't do that.So I took it back in 2006. I took it back to prepare the politicians to lead this nation and the only way we can prepare the politicians is by getting a new constitution, getting a new electoral system in place. One man, one vote, and see what happens? If one man, one vote is good for Australia and New Zealand, why isn't it good for Fiji?"

"... what we want right now in Fiji is to bring about radical changes. Strong changes. Make changes to improve the lives of the people of this nation. No-one can bring those changes into being except the military here, now. In Fiji's history, no-one can bring about the changes to the public service. No-one can bring about the changes to the land and bring about land reforms. We can do that. We are not elected. We don't have to please the indigenous community. We don't have to please any chiefs. We don't have to please any members in the Methodist hierarchy. We do what is good for the nation irrespective of your colour, irrespective of your religion, irrespective of your creed.

On Media Freedom
"My government believes in media freedom. However, the media must ensure that their work does not impact negatively on the right of others or the stability and well-being of a nation. But it's not a military dictatorship where we abuse our authority.They can print whatever they want, but irresponsible journalism is not going to be tolerated.

On Ousted Former Prime Minister Qarase
"I want Qarase and his politics to be irrelevant. I want him out. I want his politics irrelevant from now on, OK? I don't want any race issue brought back again. .. This is the action that will stop all coups, that will stop all the destabilising forces from bringing up race issues from now onwards. That's what we are trying to do."

On Methodist Leaders and Chiefs
Davis: "You've got Australia and New Zealand against you, you're going to have a lot of the chiefs against you. You've now got the Methodist Church against you, and that's the biggest church here. I mean, can you hold this together for five years?"
Bainimarama: "You must remember I'm a member of the Methodist Church. I'm not against the reforms. There are a hundred thousand more like me. Just because some of the chiefs are against me, it doesn't mean that the rest of the indigenous population are against me. The only reason these people are vocal is because of the stance taken by Australia and New Zealand."

Mark Davis Concludes
"For now, Bainimarama's biggest headache doesn't come from foreign nations. The real power he is challenging doesn't lie in Canberra or Wellington - it lies in a thousand traditional villages across Fiji. While all the correct indigenous protocols are being followed today, it is those same protocols and the associated privileges that Bainimarama is directly challenging. In essence, he's proposing sweeping constitutional changes to eliminate electoral, employment and other advantages given to indigenous Fijians over their ethnically Indian compatriots."

My friend Bhaiya comments on Davis's conclusion
Davis appears to be caught in a ‘time warp’ himself. The issue in Fiji is not merely a ‘Fijian’ –‘Indian’ one! It is also about the abuse of a racially justified electoral system and policies, including affirmative action policies, by an indigenous elite. Disadvantage and exclusion in Fiji affects a broad mass of people that include ethnic Fijians, Indo-Fijians, mixed-race people, Solomoni, Ni-Vanuatu and several other minorities.

Cartoon: Cafe Pacific

14 Reactions to the PM's 'Road Map' -- Take Your Pick

9 Newspaper or Radio Accounts, 4 "Inside Sources", 1 Comment

(-) Fiji Democracy and Freedom Movement, NGO, Sydney
Waiting until 2012 to debate a new constitution is "a charade to ensure the military regime prolongs its hold on power" said spokesperson Usaia Waqatairewa, who wouldn’t be surprised if the election date was put back further.

(-) Prof. Brij Lal, ANU
"The new roadmap will prolong the suffering of the people unnecessarily ... it is an irony that on the day the Commodore has announced his road map, he has also extended the emergency regulations."

(-) Coupfourpointfive, Auckland
"Bainimarama tried to fool Fiji and the world when he delivered his strategic framework for change national address today ...it is basically to pull wool over people's eyes"[referring back to his failure to hold elections by March 2009, and then in 2010. Delaying work on the new Constitution until September 2012]"confirms that elections are the last thing on the mind's of Bainimarama's, the military council and the coup leader’s closest ally and adviser, interim Attorney-General Aiyaz Sayed-Khaiyum."

(-) Australia and New Zealand
Both governments have reacted negatively to the address, and called again for immediate elections.

(+) Fiji Police Commissioner Cde Esala Teleni
"The strategic framework ... is the best way for forward for Fiji. “The government’s priority now is the socio-economic life of people and it is important for me as commissioner of police to provide a conducive environment for that in terms of stability and security." [The police force will be strengthened with upgraded communications, transport and forensic tools.]

(+) Fiji Chamber of Commerce
President Swani Maharaj said the FCC was impressed with the new Fiji vision. "Bainimarama has been very committed especially on non-racial politics....I’ve always thought that the 1997 Constitution no matter what people say was a racist constitution.”

(+) Fiji Retailers Association
President Himmat Lodhia urged the business sector to throw their full support behind Government, now that it has indicated the direction it would take. “This is the first time the message from the government is clear in which direction they are moving, that is the most important thing ...As a business community we will support it,” he reiterated.

(+) Suva Chamber of Commerce
President Nur Bano Ali echoed similar sentiments. “Government has indicated the road they have chosen and all I can say is that these are very positive things so the private sector will have to play its part.”

But Perhaps Much Depends on Who is Asking the Question

A small research exercise I conducted at USP in the late 1990s sought to see whether the ethnicity of the interviewer affected answers . It did, and the results were statistically significant. Those interviewed by a person of the same ethnicity were more forthright in their answers; with people of a different ethnicity they more cautious, often I suspect answering in a way to please the interviewer. Thus, on the question "Should the military be more ethnically balanced", Fijians to Fijians said 'no', and to Indo-Fijians 'yes.' while Indo-Fijian to IF said 'yes' and to Fijians said 'no' or 'perhaps.'

I suspect something of this sort has influenced the 'business' responses cited above. One of my "inside sources", normally a government supporter, wrote:

Source 1. (-) "I was at the speech yesterday, it was very strange indeed in all honesty it lacked substance and was a waste of money. All [the business and other people] I have spoken to have very similar feelings, they have lost support for the government and feel the situation is now hopeless...They have all but walked away from the government, again citing the same reasons, nothing will be done, the wrong people are running the country, etc."

Source 2, who also attended the meeting.
(+) "The thing that amazed me was that the ... Centre was packed - absolutely packed with no seats left. ... I was surprised that it was rather short but, on reflection, I guess he just wanted to paint the big broad strokes for the future. All the comments I heard (mainly from the business people) were positive. There was a feeling that he was addressing the big issues that have not been addressed in the past. If anything the speech gave people a lost of assurance of a certain time frame. Some businessmen said the speech could well encourage investment because the processes were defined."

Source 3, who was not at the meeting but who earlier had some support for Bainimarama:
(-) "I am afraid I am very cynical about FB's promises and claims after what has transpired this far [restrictions on the media, the Emergency Regulations, alleged favouritism and nepotism in the senior public service, arbitrary imposition of the 55 year retirement age. As for...]"democracy will be given to the people in 2014 on a silver platter....Only naive people would believe this nonsense. Participatory democracy cannot emerge out of 8 years of military and 'coercive' rule ... I don't see any reason for the on-going imposition of PER."

"We should and can move more quickly to constitution-making and to the general election - the electoral provisions should be in the form of a separate law outside the constitution. Unfortunately ...FB and his cronies have their own personal agenda."

Source 4, who always opposed the coup but who originally thought Bainimama well intended:
(o-) "It all depends on the good faith and commitment of the regime. Neither is much in evidence ... electoral reform and a new Constitution are low on its priorities ....it is not apparent that the regime is ready to engage as yet." (June 18)

"The situation here continues to drift ... The road map announced today by the Commander is a beginning. Dialogue and engagement need to be commenced as soon as possible as the regime rules by decree. If one has elections by September 2014, and that is not a given, it will have governed for nearly eight years. Meanwhile institutions such as the courts, the public service, police, health services and the like are being weakened as arbitrariness and whim replace process and autonomy. The country will survive but at what cost?" (July 3)

My own comment

This mix of responses is a clear demonstration of the adverse effect of restricting media freedom, and freedom of association. Too few people are saying what they really think. Indeed some, publicly, seem to be saying the opposite. There is no opportunity to debate, consider alternatives, or dispute rumours and false allegations. The so-called Pacific "talanoa" way of decision-making and resolving disputes is inoperable.

Such a state of affairs constitutes a very serious threat to Government.

• It is denied good advice. It is only able to appoint non-critical people to its offices and boards.
  
• It is in danger of irretrievably "losing the middle ground" as more of its former supporters (and those willing to give it the benefit of the doubt) become disillusioned.
  
• With the "wrong people" running the country, the economy could falter, and all the Government's intended infrastructural and social reforms need money.

If Bainimarama has an eye on tomorrow's history books, he should know that unless his reforms succeed -- and are made permanent -- his grandchildren will be reading of his "failed coup" (and the backlash his opponents will exact). Good intentions are not enough. He must engage the middle ground. And the first, and most important step along this path is the full (or at least partial and progressive) relaxation of media controls.

(G) The "Road Map" and Events to 2014

Made your views known. To see Realfijinews poll on the speech, click here.

The PM's Address at the Tradewinds Convention Centre on Fiji’s Strategic Framework for Change, July 1 2009.

Click here to read in full from the official government website.

I know some readers will be disappointed at the lack of detail. It certainly wouldn't do as a military map, and it does seem to take a long time to get from A (now) to B (constitution, elections), but with the destination logged in and set on auto-pilot, the address suffices to show Government is serious about reform and elections in September 2014.

One might hope the international community, having given up on earlier elections, might sometime between now and then respond to Bainimarama's appeal for assistance. “I invite our international partners and relevant development agencies who are interested in facilitating the practicalities of the rule of law, creating transparency, facilitating access to justice and removing systematic corruption, to work with our Chief Justice, the Independent Legal Services Commission, the Legal Aid Commission and the Fiji Independent Commission Against Corruption (FICAC) respectively.”

Bainimarama said the "Government is committed on the need to facilitate the practicalities of the rule of law, creating transparency, facilitating access to justice and removing systematic corruption.”

Government is also concerned with law and order. PER (the public emergency regulations) are extended to the end of this year. "Some people with dirty political motives are awaiting the removal of the emergency regulations to organise a protest march against some government decisions."

My Summary of the Road Map (quotes from Bainimarama)

The first 3 years (2009-2012): a "period of immense change."

1. More efficient government (Government has already cut $190m from government expenditure from January-May this year). "Workers and civil servants of the country that they will be treated fairly" but Bainimarama said that "they have to become more efficient and productive."

• Divestment of Government shares and closure or amalgamation of non-performing department
• More outsourcing to the private sector
• Rewriting of town and country planning laws that impede development

2. Focus on implementing social and infrastructural needs:

• Strengthen "infrastructure and assist in building capacities within the judiciary."($500,000 extra already allocated)
• Continuing work on reducing corruption
• Upgrading police infrastructure: communications, transport, forensic tools
• "Seek to empower the marginalized and address areas of neglect."
• Develop "pro-growth and pro-poor" policies in co-operation with financial institutions and the private sector
• Laws on underage marriage and domestic violence

3. Tourism. Laucala Island Resort and Natadola Bay resorts completed. Ongoing work on Naisoro Island project. Hopeful sale of

2010. Implementation of Land Reforms. This will result in:

• Attractive rental returns to ordinary Fijian landowners (the present system skims off most rental money before it reaches the "grassroots" owners)
• More secure tenure for tenants; increased productive land use.
• The ownership of traditional Fijian land to remain unchanged.

“We cannot realise our potential in agriculture, improve the living conditions of the taukei (indigenous Fijians), if land is not made available on a long term, sustainable basis.”

2011. Nadarivatu hydroelectric power project (41.76mW) completed. Road improvements continue.

2012. Consultations with stakeholders on the Constitution.

"The impetus [will]from People's Charter recommendations" [but there will be further inputs] "Consultations shall be extensive and will not just be limited to political parties. It shall include civil society including non- governmental organizations and citizens of our country." Topics to be discussed with include:

• “Common and equal citizenship"
• New (racial-free) voting system
• Proposed new voting age at 18
• Size of parliament and terms of office
• Checks and balances on parliament
• A bi-cameral system (the old Senate)

"The new constitution must include provisions that will entrench common and equal citizenry, it must not have ethnic based voting; the voting age shall be 18; and it must have systems that hold elected governments accountable with more checks and balances."

2013. Constitution completed by September to "allow all Fijians and parliamentary candidates ample time to familiarise themselves with the new constitution."

• Constitution to be translated into the vernacular, and with a concise "pocket-size" version available.

2014. September. Elections.

Bainimrama concluded:

"My fellow citizens, your Excellencies what I am saying is that I and my Government have a vision to make Fiji realize its true potential – a potential that can be realized through building a strong nation state, by empowering all our citizens, by fixing up the decades of neglected infrastructure, by providing actual adherence to the principles of the rule of law, by putting in place sustainable institutions and laws that will create accountability, transparency, justice, fair play and modernity; by improving living standards and alleviating poverty; by putting in place a liberalized and level playing field economy."

(+) Race Used to Divide the Nation

There is no room for racial discrimination is this government, says interim PM Cde Voreqe Bainimarama. Speaking at Dawasamu, Tailevu yesterday Cdre Bainimarama said the interim government was committed to eradicating discrimination at all levels. "I will not tolerate racial discrimination as a way of dividing people of this nation."

This may mean having to write a new constitution "so that racial discrimination, a tool previously used by many politicians to win votes, is eradicated."

Cdre Bainimarama said Government did not want a repetition of the 2000 [Speight coup] event where little trust was shared by Fijians and other races and drove many people to parliament to support rebel leader George Speight for no reason. FijiSun.

(+) Snippets: Irregular if not Corrupt: Shady Deals by "NZ Businessman" Ballu Khan and Provincial Chiefs; PER Extended; New Constitution; Police Crusade

Corruption?
One of the reasons given for the 2006 Coup was the need to mount a "clean up" campaign to control corruption. To date no major incidence of corruption has been proved in the Courts, although several cases are pending.

Now FijiVillage reports on two new cases, the first involving "New Zealand Businessman" Ballu Khan; the other involving four provincial chiefs.

The Fiji Development Bank has demanded the Native Land Trust Board repay $3 million to the FDB that was loaned by businessman Ballu Khan and the company Vanua Development Corporation.

PM Frank Bainimarama (photo, in collar and tie!) wants to know how the NLTB, that is supposed to be the trustee of native land, could act as guarantor for a loan to only one individual who does not even own any native land. The current NLTB administration has declined to repay the loan saying they were not the ones who guaranteed the loan in the first place.

Bainimarama has also revealed that a known provincial council building currently rented by the government only belongs to four chiefs from that province and the land belongs to a few Indo-Fijian businessmen.This only came to light after the government made the decision to move out of the building and the chiefs said the decision to vacate the building will lead to losses for the provincial council. It was then discovered the chiefs, and not the Provincial Council or the people from the province, owned the building on land owned by some Indo-Fijian businessmen.

Public Emergency Regulations
PER, due to expire on July 10 and renewable on a monthly basis, has been extended for a further month, supposedly due to the number of meetings to be held over the few weeks. An announcement that at least some of the present restrictions on the media and public meetings would be lifted would have been better received, and could have marked the beginning of a new dialogue.

New Constitution?
Bainimarama has announced that discussions on a new constitution will commence shortly. As previously stated in this blog, the endeavour will have little support, internally or internationally, unless it is accompanied by inclusive dialogue.

Police Crusade Ends Today

The five day controversial Police Crusade Ruggers for Christ ended today with a march from the Flea market to Sukuna Park. The public was invited to join former National rugby representatives share the changes through Divine Intervention.

(-+) Brij Lal’s Speech that Could have Been

Thanks once again to Coupfourpointfive, this time for publishing the address Prof. Brij Lal would have given to the Accountants' Conference had Government not decreed otherwise. Its publication by at least two blogs supports a point made in his speech: “The whole exercise of controlling speech is futile and self-defeating.” To read the full address on the topic of ‘Fiji and the International Community: Acceptance or Isolation: Are these the only choices?’ click here.

Summary

On Fiji's relations with the international community, his main points were: Fiji cannot go it alone; Australia, the EU and New Zealand want to help but need evidence of “progress” from Fiji; China's interests in Fiji are limited. “Many initiatives contemplated by the interim administration [IG] are praiseworthy, and I have no doubt that there would be a meeting of minds on many of them. That is why there is an urgent need of tact and diplomacy.”

He thought the situation had deteriorated sharply since April 10^th The Constitution has gone. The political dialogue process has ceased. “There is now no pretence about finding a solution to Fiji’s political problems in a timely fashion, in consultation with its friends in the regional and the international community. Fiji is now telling the world: we will find solutions to Fiji’s problems on our own terms, in our own time …. we are the guys who are on the right side of history; we are doing the right thing; why doesn’t the world understand us? “

On where Fiji should go from here, he said elections must be held earlier than 2014 if Fiji is to win international support. He agrees that elections alone will not solve Fiji's problems but asks what kind of political culture the Government want to create. He says a non-racial electoral system will not remove race as a factor in politics. He thinks the military want a permanent place in politics, and that their “utopia” will delay elections long after 2014. He says the Government should spell out what is wrong with the 1997 Constitution. He thought the Constitution’s compulsory power-sharing provision addressed “the most fundamental problem that has beset Fiji since the inception of party politics in 1966” in that it enabled one community, the Indo-Fijians, to share power. He said the Constitution was partly based on “‘Consociationalism … a grand coalition of elites representing different segments of society...”

My Comments

Brij blames the deteriorating situation on the Interim Government alone. No mention is made of the role of Australia and NZ, the Fiji media, the “Qarase” faction, and others who constantly placed obstructions in the IG's path.

Elections are not held to satisfy the international community. Fiji will only hold elections (hopefully before 2014) when the system under which they are to be held is decided upon, and when race has been removed as the factor. The Government has made quite clear the “political culture” it wants to create.

Brij continues to see Fiji's problems in purely racial terms. The 1997 Constitution was an improvement on the decidedly racist 1991 Constitution, but the Great Council of Chief's provision, the reinforcement of race by its electoral provisions, and the parliamentary “power sharing” provision effectively deprived Fiji of a parliamentary Opposition, need revisiting. True, future modifications were expected, but none occurred in the next ten years. His “grand coalition of elites” is based on racial “segments of society.” Fiji is, and can be, “segmented” in many more ways.

I do, however, share Brij's and many other people's concern about the never-ending role of the military in Fiji's politics. I also sometimes doubt their real intentions but, for the moment, they have the benefit of my doubt.

In sum, Brij warns of everything that has, and can, go wrong. Wisely so, perhaps, but we already know most of them. He supports an agenda rejected by the Interim government. I would like him to have proposed some new ideas on the “way forward.” Perhaps a hypothetical redrafting of the 1997 Constitution, with the benefit of hindsight, or the drafting of a new Constitution that would win wide support? Photo: Fiji Times.

(o-) Human Rights Watch's Cloud Cuckoo Land

"... work around the edges of the possible; demanding the impossible entrenches attitudes -- and leads nowhere."

Erudite Elaine Pearson, Human Rights Watch (Asia Division) deputy director, says its "not too late for Fiji's interim government to reverse the path it has taken, and return the country to constitutional rule." The New York-based organization has written to President Iloilo urging him to annul the decrees he has made since April 10. Here are some extracts from her (to me, incredibly naive) interview on Radio Australia

Q. But 'isn't the path you're suggesting in direct opposition to the path taken ...? Why should they consider that path?
A.Well, I mean I think that if Fiji wants to be taken seriously by the international community, and I think if there is sustained international pressure there, then really they should look at their commitments to the citizens of Fiji ... really the steps that we are asking for, it is very easy for them to take those steps. It's very easy to go back and revoke those judicial decrees ... and to reinstate the judicial offices. We are only asking for a return to the position prior to April 10, not to a position prior to the coup. So it is not actually that difficult for them to really reverse their position if they actually have the genuine will to return to being a rights respecting nation.

Q.Bainimarama has said elections will not be held before September 2014. How's that being seen by the rest of the world?
A (speaking for the world): Well, I mean I think quite clearly it's not seen as adequate by the rest of the world. The fact that the Pacific Islands Forum has suspended Fiji shows that that cannot be taken seriously. I mean we don't think that the period of five years is necessary for the interim government to put in place the reforms and processes that they are talking about. We really believe that those kinds of processes and electoral reform can be pursued through the democratic processes that are guaranteed under the Constitution.

Q: What role do you see for Pacific island nations in helping Fiji back to democracy?
A: Well, I think certainly it would be helpful if Pacific islanders were lobbying Fiji a bit more strongly ... I think we need to think about concerted pressure in order to ensure that Fiji and the president takes these kinds of concerns about human rights abuses seriously.

Q: Australia is hosting the Pacific Islands Forum in Cairns in August. What role should Australia be playing to assist Fiji's return to democracy?
A: Well, I mean I think Australia has been playing a very important role. I think maybe we also need to think about ... putting more pressure on the UN peacekeeping ...This is an extremely important source of revenue for Fiji and it seems like it's getting to the point where we need to be considering targeted sanctions or other kinds of action in order to ensure the protection and promotion of human rights and a return to the rule of law.

Comments: (1) Returning to before April 10th would mean returning to the 1997 Constitution, as interpreted by the Appeal Court judges, and elections under the then existing and demonstrably unfair and racially-bound political system. In effect, this would be asking Bainimarama to abandon all ideas of serious electoral reform, the People's Charter, and all other of its "positive"step taken since the 2000 Coup. Only asking? Very easy? Impossible!
(2) More sanctions? Think of Cuba!

If international human rights groups "want to be taken seriously" and play a role in resolving the Fiji situation -- and they can play such a role -- their spokespersons need to work around the edges of the possible; demanding the impossible entrenches attitudes -- and leads nowhere.

My sincere apologies to Prof. Wadan Narsey....

.... for publishing incorrect comments on his Niukula lecture (post 28 April, The Horrifying Consequences of the Coup.) He is not, as I reported, "a long-standing NFP supporter or an opponent of FLP." Quite the contrary. He was a founding member of the FLP but left the party prior to the 1987 election, due to policy differences. He was a NFP MP from 1996-99, having stood unopposed on the NFP ticket, but as a joint candidate with the FLP. Since 1999 he has had no political affiliation. My reference to his brother-in-law Brij Lal might have suggested to readers that he supports the 1997 Constitution because of this relationship. This is not the case. He thought, and still thinks, the Alternative Vote electoral system advocated by the Reeves Commission, and later included in the 1997 Constitution, to be "disastrous for Fiji." Readers may read more of Wadan's views on electoral systems, coups and the economy on the USP website.

(-+) The Coup Was Not Necessary: Expert

One of the especially sad things about the Fiji situation is that family, friends and colleagues often find themselves on opposite sides. It never was, as the media mostly present it, a case of baddies versus goodies. I find myself in this situation with regards to a letter published in The Australian by former colleague Robbie Roberston. Robbie, now of Adelaide's La Trobe University, has written three books on the 1987 and 2000 coups, one co-authored with his wife, Akosita Tamanisau, and he wrote most of the political section in my Fiji: an Encyclopaedic Atlas (see advertisement, in left column). He's an expert on the earlier coups (supposedly carried out to defend ethnic Fijian rights) but I think he's misread the 2006 Coup (the first where Indo-Fijians were not the scapegoats).
Here are the points he made (RR) and my responses (CW).

RR: “Fiji emerged from those political storms [the 1987 coup] stronger than ever, with a hugely sophisticated and active civil society, a dynamic free media and a strong legal system... and ethno-nationalism had retreated.”

CW: A rather rosy picture of Fiji not altogether borne out by more recent reactions of some NGOs, the media and the Fiji Law Society, but not altogether wrong either. But on ethno-nationalism, unfortunately, absolutely wrong. The racist reasons forthe Speight Coup were identical to those of 1987. Further witness to ongoing ethno-nationalism of the worst kind includes: the votes won by the extremist CAMV party in 1991 and its absorption into Qarase's SDL for the 2006 election; the overt racism of some of his Government ministers; the sporadic desecration of Hindu temples; the continuing use of the race card, and the blatant racism in numerous anti-Government blogs.

RR: “A new constitution in 1997 that it could rightly be proud of.”

CW: Appearances in 1997 were not borne out by realities, especially from 2000 onwards. The Constitution, eagerly adopted by the Great Council of Chiefs and an exhausted Indo-Fijian population thinking anything was better than the totally racist 1991 Constitution, has proved defective in (a) its electoral system; (b) its Government power-sharing provisions; (c) the power given to the Great Council of Chiefs, and their representation in Senate; and (d) the absence of the President's “reserve” powers, or similar.

RR: “The 1997 Constitution was helping to break down the racial divide through eventual power-sharing … Bainimarama chose to overthrow the recently elected parliament in which power was being shared for the first time among the representatives of 80 percent of the population.”

CW: Qarase refused to admit the Fiji Labour Party to power-sharing, and at the time of the 2006 Coup, the “Opposition” was Mike Beddoes, representing the UPP, a very small party. Power-sharing deprived Parliament, and Fiji, of an effective opposition.

RR: “There was no need for the coup. Change was already in the air because the purported threat Indo-Fijians posed to Fijian dominance has dissipated....may fall to under 25 percent by 2020”

CW: I can't see what has this to do with the Coup? Does Robbie propose a correlation between increasing “Fijian democracy” and a decline in Indo-Fijian numbers, presumably because Fijian politicians would no longer need to play the race card? The 2006 coup had several causes: Qarase's betrayal of Bainimarama's trust by entering politics and his inclusion of 2000 plotters and activists in his government; the high level of corruption; proposed legislation that would have excused the plotters; the divisive Qoliqoli Bill, and other bills promoting ethnic Fijians (more accurately their elite and chiefs) to the detriment of other races. It had nothing to do with current or future demographic shifts.

RR: “This [the smaller Indo-Fijian population] will mean electoral change will have to take place ….”

CW: The only change required from a smaller Indo-Fijian population would be a decrease in the number of their Communal seats. Robbie seems to assume (despite opinions to the contrary in his own writings) that race is the sole driver of Fiji politics and Fiji society. This view has some merit if we substitute “race card” for “race” but only if we also ignore significant divisions within both Fijian and Indo-Fijian communities.

RR:...and such change was already being publicly debated before Bainimarama chose to overthrow the recently elected parliament. “

CW: The Reeves Commission that resulted in the 1997 Constitution recommended the gradual reduction of Communal electorates and an increase in Open electorates, a change that Qarase's SDL would have blocked. The “public debate” was mainly about the scrapping of the Alternative Vote and its replacement by proportional representation. This would be an improvement, but as long as the Fijian Communal seats remained, the value of Fijian votes in some (mainly rural) provinces would continue to be worth between two and four times the value of Fijian votes in other (mainly urbanized) provinces; General Voters (other races) would be over-represented, and Fijians living in towns and cities would continue to be under-represented. In other words, it would continue to be grossly unfair and undemocratic. And as the saying goes: There's many a slip between the lip(debate) and the cup(genuine electoral reform). Robbie wrote of 20-30 years. Bainimarama decided not to wait that long!

But all this begs the question, the People's Charter is now central stage, and of this electoral reform is only a part. In a message to Café Pacific Robbie said: “I fear that even if he [Bainimarama] delivers, the result may not be what we wish for. [adding] Bainimarama should be judged by what he does, not what he says.” How true, on both counts. Bainimarama may not get the full People's Charter--it is still to be discussed-- but if he gets the major part of it, an optimistic view could be that the Coup and all it has brought may yet be judged worthwhile.

RR: Robbie expresses a far less optimistic view:“The danger Bainimarama poses lies not in what he says he will do but what he does. Here is a man who claims he and the military forces he represents have the right to interfere in the political process whenever they, and they alone, choose. This is the Rabuka legacy, and if Bainimarama succeeds in recreating Fiji's democracy in five years' time, he will have confirmed for all time the role of the military as Fiji's political kingmaker.”

CW: Yes, this is a distinct possibility and a very real concern that will be addressed during the People's Charter process. But one could also argue that without the Coup, Fiji would have become even more racist. We can no more read past futures than present ones.

Links: Court Judgment, President's Speech, Fiji and International Reactions

See also my initial comments on the post below 

  What On Earth Did the Court Expect?       

  (The symbols are explained in "Notices" at the bottom of this page.) 

(B) Court of Appeal Decision

http://www.fijitimes.com/extras/Qarase-vs-Bainimarama-Court-of-appeal-judgement.pdf

(B) President's Address to the Nation

http://www.fiji.gov.fj/publish/page_8194.shtml

(B) Bainimarama's Reappointment Speechhttp://www.fijitimes.com/extras/Bainimarama-speech-reappointment.pdf

(G) The "New" Cabinet

http://www.fijitimes.com/story.aspx?id=118984

(-) Graham Leung - a lawyer's reaction

http://www.fijitimes.com/story.aspx?id=118900

(+) Shaista Shameem - FHRC

http://www.fijisun.com.fj/main_page/view.asp?id=17811

(o-) Mahendra Chaudhry's Reaction

http://www.fijisun.com.fj/main_page/view.asp?id=17818

(-) SDL and FNP Reactions

http://www.fijitimes.com/story.aspx?id=118913

(+) Chamber of Commerce Reaction

http://www.fijisun.com.fj/main_page/view.asp?id=17814

(-) Brij Lal

http://www.fijisun.com.fj/main_page/view.asp?id=17821

(-) Fiji Cane Growers' Association

http://www.fijisun.com.fj/main_page/view.asp?id=17815

(-) NZ Minister of Foreign Affairs

http://www.stuff.co.nz/dominion-post/news/politics/2329764/Fiji-appointment-a-sham

(-) NZ Political Scientist Rod Alley

http://www.stuff.co.nz/the-press/news/2328163/NZ-condemns-Fiji-judge-sackings

(-) BBC and International Reactions

http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/asia-pacific/7994426.stm

(-) Australian PM Reactions

http://www.smh.com.au/world/suva-risks-expulsion-from-talks-says-rudd-20090410-a2u3.html

http://www.theaustralian.news.com.au/story/0,25197,25319368-601,00.html

(-) The Australian Newspaper (via Sai Lealea)

http://wwwfijicoup2006.blogspot.com/2009/04/fiji-president-has-committed-treason.html

(-) U.S. Reactions

http://www.fijitimes.com/story.aspx?id=118980

Lal, Fraenkel and Ratuva (before abrogation)

http://www.nzherald.co.nz/world/news/article.cfm?c_id=2&objectid=10565949

(o) David Robie (Cafe Pacific)

http://cafepacific.blogspot.com/2009/04/fijis-political-figleaf-ripped-aside.html

(-) Michael Field - N Z Journalist

http://www.michaelfield.org/fiji%20constitution.htm

(-) Anti-Government Blog Reactions

http://wwwfijicoup2006.blogspot.com/ (Sai Lealea - Commonwealth reaction)

http://coupfourpointfive.blogspot.com/      (on curtailment of media freedom)

(+) What On Earth Did the Court Expect?

I would have preferred a few days to reflect on Friday's developments but given that others are not disposed to do so, I add my thoughts for consideration.

Leave aside for the moment  the rights and wrongs of events on Friday 9th and Saturday 10th April 2009: the Appeal Court's decision that the President's appointment of the Interim Government in 2007 was unlawful; Bainimarama's apparent acceptance of the decision; the President's abrogation of the Constitution, and the reappointment of the Interim Government, together with decrees dismissing the judiciary and limitations on media freedom. These are matters we can address later.

For the moment the most important questions  seem to be:

First, what on earth did the court (and Qarase who had challenged the earlier High Court's decision that the Interim Government was lawful) expect?  That an adverse decision would see the President comply with the Appeal Court ruling -- which may yet be appealed?  That Bainimarama, the military leaders and the Interim Government would abandon their 2006 takeover objectives and hand everything back to Qarase so that things would be just as they were before, bowing to the racial and religious extremism that had infiltrated the Qarase regime?  Because that is exactly what a new election under the existing undemocratic and racially-skewed communal voting system would produce.  

Abandon the work done on the People's Charter and the President's Political Dialogue Forum; a fairer electoral system; provision for tri-lingualism in schools and government offices, that could lead to a more tolerant and inclusive Fiji? Abandon work on the renewal of land leases, the sugar industry, rural infrastructure,  the NLTB, fairer land rent returns to ordinary Fijians, a minimum wage, and the work on poverty reduction that could lead to a fairer, more equitable Fiji? Abandon work (that has proved exceedingly difficult due in part  to the denied absence of overseas forensic accountant experts) to expose corruption and clientism at the highest levels, but which most surely benefits sections of the business and chiefly elite?  Throw two and one-half years' work, opposed at every turn by Qarase and others who could have cooperated had they really believed in democracy,  into the old Lami rubbish tip?

Secondly, how are  the (new) Interim Government,  their opposition, the media and "moderate" NGOs, going to handle this new situation?   The answer to these questions, at the moment, seems to be:  "very badly." Commodore, it is essential the emergency regulations are implemented with restraint and removed as soon as practicable.  Akuila, I have respected you since the mid 1970's when you protested the expulsion of the Malekula squatters at Flagstaff. And Netani, who I have never met, you have blanked your Fiji Times pages in protest of censorship.  I respect your courage and intent but surely neither of you, Akuila and Netani,  support the return of a racist regime. That, ultimately, is the choice. Look at the bigger picture, beyond the clumsiness, provocations and abuses of power by the Interim regime. Continue your protest but with judgment. Keep the end in sight. Think. What, in this new situation, is best for Fiji?  This is not a moment for prevarication.  Now, you have to decide between the known racist and undemocratic stance of the Qarase regime, and the suspect but probable good intentions of Bainimarama.  Negotiate and be patient for space to comment objectively. For freedom of the press. A hard stance now could see all doors closed, and your important contribution to Fiji's future denied. This may soothe your justifiable pride, but it will not help Fiji. 

Thirdly, what is going to be the reaction of the "international community"?  Well, here at least there are no surprises. They are handling the new situation as they did before, within the narrow blinkers of  supposed "democracy" and "media freedom." They, who earlier rejected the findings of the Fiji High Court (because it did not support their position), now accept without question this decision of this first Court of Appeal, because it does (even though it yet may also be appealed). 

From my New Zealand, Foreign Affairs Minister Murray McCully, a total denial of realities. Honestly, Minister, what do you know about Fiji?  Who,  if anybody,  are you listening to?  In MFAT or in the NZAid  you would see ended?  To my friends, if I may call you that, Jim Tully on media and Rod Alley of the Beaglehole-Somerset-Alley conjoined clans, other than your illustrious ancestors' contributions to liberal causes, what is your special expertise on Fiji?   And to my friend Toke Talagi, Chairman of the Pacific Island  Forum, why has Australia and New Zealand spoken with no reference to you?  Do they chair the Forum?   What also of other Forum members?  Are their opinions of less importance than NZ and Australian commentators?

The role of the international community is important but not necessarily decisive. Fiji will resolve its own problems in its own way.  But the community is in a position to help or hinder, to see whether or not ordinary Fiji citizens, in the key sugar and tourist industries, and their downstream cousins, will suffer unduly.  Australia, New Zealand, the ECC and the Commonwealth can devastate the Fiji  economy, but still see no "return to democracy." And their  continuing inflexible opposition to Bainimarama will further buttress and encourage the Qarase opposition to do what we do not know --- and dare not imagine.

My Lords, Justices of Appeal, safely back in Sydney (whose judgment I will later address, because it seems, to this layman, to contain inconsistencies favouring Australian and Qarase positions), how now do you see what your detached, removed, judgment has achieved? Would you not agree that Fiji --ordinary, everyday Fiji, impoverished, bereft, isolated Fiji -- not you or Australia, face the consequencies of what you, in your lofty legal wisdom,  judged to be  not "chaotic"? And how does this situation, that you have helped create, differ from that the President sought to control early in 2007, using powers you claimed he did not have?

(o+) You Can't Please Everybody: Reactions to the pre-PPDF Meeting

Almost everyone (minor party GVP and CAMV party representatives excepted) seemed content with the agenda agreed upon by political leaders at Friday's Political Parties Leaders' Forum meeting. Former PM Laisenia Qarase spoke highly of the meeting. Former Opposition Leader Mike Beddoes was reported as saying the Forum went well and that everyone was presented an equal opportunity to express their views freely on all matters listed on the agenda. He added that the outcome of the Forum was significant considering how things had turned out in the past six months. Even the press was enthusiastic. "Political Leaders Find Some Common Ground" (Fiji Times); "Beddoes Happy with Forum Outcome" (Fiji Sun); "SDL Hails Political Party Meeting" (Fiji Live).

But not so the Fiji Daily Post. Its Saturday super-large front page banner headline read "No Change, No Polls". The paper went on to write about "an ultimatum issued to political leaders " ... by the Interim PM who was reported to have told the meeting that there would be no elections "if the participants failed to agree on a new electoral system." This may well be so but no reference to this statement was mentioned by any other paper; no participant mentioned it; it was not even given the status of a direct quotation by the Post; and since no journalist attended the meeting, one is left wondering what the Interim PM actually "told the meeting."And why spoil an otherwise happy day! [See "Bainimarama Urges Unity", below.]

Someone else not at the meeting, Professor Brij Lal, must have been phoned by the Fiji Sun for his comments on the agenda. The Sun (15 March) reports him as saying "This [the absence of direct reference to the military] is a glaring omission because unless the role of the military is publicly discussed, there can be no assurance of democratic rule in Fiji." I agree with him but the Constitution, that Bainimarama and many others want to see amended, was also not specifically mentioned. Those attending the meeting would ensure both topics will be discussed under item one of the agenda: The democratic experience in Fiji. [I'm wrong. It will be discussed under People's Charter.]

Prof. Lal warned a "set agenda would not be welcomed by the UN and Commonwealth, who had been requested to facilitate the PPDF. [They] will not sully their reputations by getting involved in a sullied process. The Commonwealth communiqué is clear: it wants the dialogue process to be open, transparent and unprejudiced about the final outcome. They will not come in to endorse a pre-arranged agenda," he said.

On this, I do not agree. Most agenda items are usually decided before meetings. Why should they not agree to a pre-arranged agenda? How can an agenda agreed to by all parties be "a sullied process"? The task of the UN/Commonwealth is to facilitate, not set the agenda. That is the sole responsibility of Fiji. I think Prof. Lal, presuming the worst, responded too quickly to a newspaper enquiry seeking a negative response. He could have waited until the dust had settled and a clearer, less ambiguous, view of what the agenda entailed had emerged.

Not to be outdone in "anticipatory negativity", Fiji Women's Crisis Centre Co-ordinator Shamima Ali, welcomed the decision to include 15 NGO and civil society groups in the PPDF, but then added "inclusion should not be conditional on who supports the coup and who doesn't." Fiji Times 15 March. [Of course. Why anticipate the worst?]

Bainimarama Urges Unity

Fiji Daily Post 13 March. Text in full.

Interim Prime Minister Frank Bainimarama is urging all political leaders to put their negativity aside and support the People’s Charter. Speaking at the Political Party Leaders Forum at the Parliamentary Complex in Nasese, Bainimarama called on leaders to unite and move forward. “Pointing fingers at one another and continuing to engage in the blame game is neither helpful nor constructive,” he said.“More than ever, now we must recognise that the only way to move forward is to tackle years of systematic problems by reforming. “To face our global economic challenges we must make paradigm shifts, be positive and resilient and promote equal citizenry, we must be one nation,” he added.

Bainimarama told the leaders at the forum that they must unite as one.“We must be creative and innovative to mitigate our risks and we must become self sufficient. “We can ill afford to view the situation through narrow religious, ethnic, political, personal vantage points or as advocates of foreign interests,” he said.