The draft constitution that became law
last Friday saw opinions still divided on its legitimacy and
fairness. The identities and allegiances of those for and against
are well known but one surprise came from Randall Powell, the
Australian Fiji Appeals Court judge who with two other judges found
the 2006 coup to be illegal, an event that led the Bainimarama
government to the watershed decision to abrogate the 1997
constitution, and a hardening of Government's attitude towards local
and overseas detractors. Justice Powell had reservations about the
immunity clauses and the legality of the new draft constitution but
otherwise he thought it a sound document.
Although the Government draft can make
no greater claim for legal legitimacy than the Yash Ghai draft it
supersedes, it also involved extensive public consultations, and the
final Government draft is different in many respects as a result of
this consultation. In March, for instance, the Citizen's
Constitutional Forum (CCF) published an analysis that criticized the
concentration of power in the hands of the Prime Minister and
Attorney-General, noting their role in appointments to 16 commissions
and offices. In the final draft, changes have been made to 14, with most authority devolved to a new a six-member Constitutional Offices
Commission, which includes the Leader of the Opposition and another
member recommended by him.
The legality issue also troubles the
leaders of the old political parties, combined as the United Front
for a Democratic Fiji (UFDF), despite the fact they were happy to go
along with the Yash Ghai draft, even though, using the same criteria,
it also had no legitimacy. The UFDF is also unsure whether its
members will contest the 2014 elections, which they claim will be run
by government for its own purposes, although international and local
supervisory arrangements have not yet been announced.
This article does not contest these
issues. Its sole concern is to address one question: Are there
sufficient checks and balances in the new constitution to ensure that
essential political and human rights will be protected? To answer
this question it looks at the commissions established in the
Constitution, their purpose, membership, and which body or person
appoints their members.
In general terms, the commissions are
the executors of parliamentary and government decisions. They appoint
or recommend appointments to the judiciary and public prosecutions,
the public service, the constitutional and electoral commissions,
and the disciplined forces, and independently or as direct agents of
a future elected government they are, or should be, the best measure
of whether the constitution is upheld and the interests of Fiji
citizens best served.
Few of the commissions are new. They
were in place, with the same or similar name, under previous
administrations So what has changed, and do the changes provide
sufficient checks and balances on the powers of future governments?
Three positions head the
administration: the President, the Prime Minister and the
Attorney-General. The President is the Head of State and the
Commander-in-Chief of the RFMF. He or she is appointed by Parliament
from candidates proposed by the Prime Minister and Leader of the
Opposition, and can only act on the advice of Parliament or a
government minister.
The PM is the leader of the party or
coalition of parties that can muster over half of the votes in
Parliament. The Attorney-General, who must have at least 15 years
legal experience, is appointed by the PM and if there is no suitably
legally qualified MP, the A-G may be appointed from outside Parliament. If this is the case, he is a member of Cabinet but he
cannot vote. Other senior positions are the
Solicitor-General, appointed by the Judicial Services commission and
the A-G; the Secretary-General of Parliament, appointed by the
President on the advice of the Constitution Offices Commission (COC);
and the Auditor-General and Governor of the Reserve Bank who are
appointed by the COC.
Compared with the 1997 Constitution,
the Leader of the Opposition has fewer powers; the Fiji Law Society,
that influenced judicial appointments, has none; and the Great
Council of Chiefs, that greatly influenced the appointment of the
President and members of Senate, has been disbanded. Senate and the
position of Ombudsman have also been disbanded, government arguing
that the former is unnecessary and the functions of both have been
assumed by government departments.
The commissions form three broad
groups: those dealing with 1) the judiciary, 2) the public service,
and 3) constitutional matters, including responsibility for the
disciplined forces and electoral matters.
The Judiciary
The Chief Justice
is appointed by the President on the advice of the PM and A-G.
Formerly, the Leader of the Opposition was also involved.
The Judicial
Services Commission (JSC), around which most judicial matters
revolve, comprises the Chief Justice, the President of the Court of
Appeal, the Permanent Secretary of Justice, and a lawyer of at least
15 years experience and a citizen chosen by the Chief Justice
following consultation with the A-G.
Judges of the
Supreme, Appeals and High Courts, the Independent Legal Services
Commission, the Director of Public Prosecutions, the Accountability
and Transparency Commission and the Legal Aid Commission are
appointed by the President on the advice of the JSC following
consultation with the A-G. The Mercy Commission, that advises the
President on appeals for mercy, comprises the A-G and four people
recommended by the JSC. The A-G appoints members of the Fiji
Independent Commission Against Corruption. The removal of all senior
members of the judiciary requires the appointment of a special
Tribunal comprising senior judges from Fiji and overseas.
To my mind, this
is a sufficiently robust system, although some people, thinking it is
written to enhance the authority of the present A-G, may think his
authority excessive.
The A-G in the constitution, however, is the primary legal adviser to future governments, and these are his natural functions. I would have preferred the Leader of the Opposition to retain his former authority in judicial appointments but, importantly, he has a say in other appointments by being a member of the powerful Constitutional Offices Commission, and ultimate authority still rests in Parliament,
The A-G in the constitution, however, is the primary legal adviser to future governments, and these are his natural functions. I would have preferred the Leader of the Opposition to retain his former authority in judicial appointments but, importantly, he has a say in other appointments by being a member of the powerful Constitutional Offices Commission, and ultimate authority still rests in Parliament,
The Public Service
Senior positions
in the public service are advertised and appointments are made by the
Public Services Commission (PSC) whose members are appointed by the
President on the advice of the Prime Minister. Permanent Secretaries
to the various government departments are appointed by the PSC in
consultation with the Prime Minister. The Public Services
Disciplinary Tribunal is appointed by the JSC and the A-G.
These arrangements
seem to provide sufficient checks and balances, with cross-links
between Government, the Judicial Services Commission and the
Constitutional and Electoral Offices Commissions.
Constitutional Matters
The establishment
of the Constitutional Offices Commission is a result of public
consultations. Government seems to have heeded concerns expressed by
groups such as the CCF about the concentration of power in the hands
of the PM and A-G.
Commission members include the PM, the A-G, the Leader of the Opposition, two people chosen by the PM and one chosen by the Leader of the the Opposition.
Commission members include the PM, the A-G, the Leader of the Opposition, two people chosen by the PM and one chosen by the Leader of the the Opposition.
The Commission has
extensive powers and makes or recommends appointments to the Human
Rights and Anti-Discrimination Commission, the Public Service
Commission, and the Supervisor of Elections and the Elections
Commission.
It also, in
consultation with the relevant minister, recommends the appointment
of the Auditor-General, the Solicitor-General, the Secretary-General
to Parliament, the Governor of the Reserve Bank, the Commissioner of
Police, the Commissioner of Corrections and, significantly, the
Commander of the Republic of Fiji Military Forces (RFMF).
In the earlier
draft, most functions now assumed by the Constitutional Offices
Commission were the responsibility of the PM after consultations with
the relevant minister.
Dismissals from
these appointments can only be made by a tribunal appointed by the
Chief Justice following consultation with the A-G. The Commission
must provide regular updates on its activities to Parliament.
Summary
The importance of
the commissions to good governance is self-evident. The system of
appointments seems reasonable although it could be argued that too
much power still resides with the PM and A-G, especially in the
appointment of the Chief Justice. I would have preferred a
committee-appointed Chief Justice with some input from the legal and
perhaps academic communities.
My overall view is
that the commissions, and their systems of appointment, provide
adequate checks and balances on misuses of power. Whether this will
prove to be the case, of course, only time will tell, but this could
also be said of the Ghai draft constitution or any other human
document.
8 comments:
The Ombudsman is subsumed into a government department? Similar to the Minister for Reconciliation and his Permanent Secretary prior to 2006? Is this the way things should be? Is this where a necessary and sufficient protection for Human Rights and all universal, fundamental rights should find their appropriate resting place?
Archbishop Peter Loy Chong has very insightfully and incisively observed that Fiji has retained "the old iTaukei patron-client politics". The problem is a 'time immemorial' one but the definition is couched in contemporary language. The discussion will prove fundamentally of interest and expose how conflicts of interest continue to obtain across the board: thereby confounding a prospect for fairness, equality and justice for ordinary Fijians.
We appear to be incapable of divorcing ourselves from enshrined self-interest. Our imaginations are limited and our capacity for independent and objective thinking impaired. They were so in 1987, 1990, 1997, 2000, 2001 and in May and December 2006, April 2009. We appear not to have the political will to escape the patron-client template even in the National Interest.
The Archbishop is on the right track and his courage will win him not friends but enemies. However, his obvious intelligence and insight will have alerted him to this already. His Holiness Pope Francis I will amply understand. An Argentinian Jesuit with close acquaintance with coups d'etat and the fear and traumatic disquiet they unleash. "Abiding by one's conscience determines who get's to heaven", he has just written in a 2,500 worded letter in La Repubblica to atheists everywhere. "Abiding by it means making up one's own mind about what is good and evil".
Honestly, for the Archbishop to talk about patron-client relationships is the height of hypocrisy and absurdity. The Roman Catholic Church is one big Patron client institution from the top down. Peter Loy Chong does nothing without the Pope's authority and his flock do nothing without his. I'm Fed up with all the posturing of the Roman Catholic Church - Chong and Father Barr - about poverty and suffering. Their church is one of the richest institutions in the world. What does it do but pontificate? They should just shut the hell up and get on with catering to the spiritual needs of their flock. Bainimarama is only the latest incarnation of Melanesian big man politics. He is doing what he can to help relieve suffering by trying to grow the economy and provide people with sustainable jobs. Which is a lot more than these pious pharisees do. This is the trouble with the Jesuits. Just enough brains to think they're important but not enough to see the absurdity of their posturing.
It appears that no matter how much he tries the cowardly dictator can't get any respect or recognition from anyone that really matters? Apart from a few junta apologists and slurpers, feeding from the regime trough and swallowing for a free holiday, the respectful world treats the goose for what he is - a bullying coward with zero integrity!!
You're the goose, Buster. Not a single original idea in this little rant. The opposition have stopped arguing because there's nothing to argue about. Read the Constitution. Look around you in Fiji. It's onwards and upwards and all you can do is vent. Zero impact!
Croz
What part of 'the idiot Bainimarama doesn't set the agenda' does your dimwitted dictator mate not understand? The poor fool has zero impact. A bit like your misguided blog?
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ad_hominem
Croz,
Please correct me if I've read it wrong but the current government can make any changes it wants to the constitution right up until the first sitting of the new government in 2014. I assume they will only make minor changes as they assume to win the election and remain in power for another 4 years. But if they look like losing the election or do in fact lose the election does this not mean they can make changes to suit themselves before the new government starts ? Could hey change it to remove the new government before it even starts ?
Your heading reads checks and balances but they dont seem to start until after the elcection.
'Heart of Darkness' : complete and unabridged. A steal at F$11.95 in the bookshop of notable, local department store. The only decent bookshop in a Fiji desert for readers. A compulsory read especially when we learn that Joseph Conrad wrote it based on his personal experience of a visit to the Congo (then Belgian)."The first twentieth century novel". Its protagonist - an Ivory Dealer,who is "the emobodiment of corruption, decay and exploitation". Why does this all feel so familiar? Even to the point where it is suggested that the narrator, Marlow, "is forced to look into his own soul and reassess his values." A reigning climate of malevolence and tyranny: the darkness is both moral and physical. A perfect fit, somehow.
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